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  • April 9 webinar: ‘Wars on the People’ — Repression and resistance at home and abroad

    April 9 webinar: ‘Wars on the People’ — Repression and resistance at home and abroad

    The UNITED LEFT PLATFORM, an alliance of revolutionary socialist organizations, invites you to an April 9 webinar with an activist panel on confronting and anti-immigrant terror and attacks on democratic rights at home, and U.S. imperial crimes around the world.

    This roundtable discussion will represent some of the important experiences of the rising movements resisting the domestic and global rampages of U.S. imperialism under the Trump administration, with perspectives on how these struggles can become powerful, unified, and politically independent. From beating back ICE terror in Minneapolis to opposing the U.S.-Israeli wars on Palestine, Iran, and Lebanon, and the U.S. threats to Cuba and Latin America, we see the critical necessity of bringing the struggles together for the common purpose of collective liberation.

    The speakers will discuss how the concrete experiences of May Day organizing can connect domestic resistance to MAGA authoritarianism to opposition to U.S. wars and imperialism as a whole. The panelists will give brief initial responses to focused strategic questions, followed by open discussion. JOIN US!

    Thursday, April 9, 8 p.m. Eastern; 5 p.m. Pacific

    SPEAKERS:

       • Kip Hedges – school bus driver and longtime union activist in Minneapolis

       • Avery Wear – Tempest, San Diego Socialists, LSAN

       • Omid Rezaian – IMHO

       • Dan Piper – Workers’ Voice, CT Civil Liberties Coalition

       • Meg C – Speak Out Socialists

       • Ashley Smith – VT Tempest Collective

    CHAIR: Blanca Missé, Workers’ Voice

    REGISTRATION INFORMATION:

    https://us02web.zoom.us/webinar/register/WN_R702vOe8QluM7Mha7LVF5g

    https://www.unitedleftplatform.net/wars-on-the-people/

  • Workers’ Voice newspaper: March-April edition

    Workers’ Voice newspaper: March-April edition

    The U.S.-Israel war on Iran is a major escalation in the Middle East that has dangerous implications for working people everywhere. The brutality of the imperialist assault internationally is paired with the attack on civil liberties by the Trump regime inside the U.S. This includes the continued operations of ICE and Border Patrol, the threats to the 2026 mid-term elections, environmental rollbacks that deeply impact the Black community, and unchecked police brutality.

    Our editorial in this issue warns us: “There is a great danger of underestimating the determination of the U.S. corporate elite to drive through this effort. We cannot rely on court rulings or upcoming elections to save us. We must organize now, not only for mass demonstrations and community networks against ICE violence, but to find our way to building a new working-class party through which we can organize our political defense on every plane and on every day.”

    In this issue we also have articles on the Epstein files and the ruling class, the San Francisco teachers’ strike, and a review of the new album by U2.

    The March–April 2026 edition of our newspaper is available in print and online as a pdf. Read the latest issue of our newspaper today with a free pdf download! As always, we appreciate any donations to help with the cost of printing.

    Click on the image to read the paper or message us to get a hard copy:

  • Free Myon Burrell! No to Klobuchar and the Democrats!

    Free Myon Burrell! No to Klobuchar and the Democrats!
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    Myon Burrell, imprisoned on flawed charges of murder in 2003 in a case prosecuted by Amy Klobuchar.

    By LUCAS ALAN DIETSCHE

    Until Amy Klobuchar dropped out of the Democratic Party race on the eve of Super Tuesday voting, many saw her as a stopgap lesser evil for the 2020 presidential election. In fact, Klobuchar represents the legacy of Democratic Party racism, imperialism, and war.

    In recent memory, it was the Democratic Party’s Bill Clinton that perpetuated people of color in prison and was his wife, former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, who coined the phrase “super-predator” against Black youth. It was the Democratic Party’s Barrack Obama who incarcerated the largest number of immigrants in this country. And it is Elizabeth Warren and Bernie Sanders who both promote U.S. imperialist policies abroad.

    Days before Klobuchar’s withdrawal from the presidential race, protesters outside Minneapolis shut down a rally for her campaign by occupying the stage and demanding that she address the concerns over her 2003 prosecution of Myon Burrell on flimsy murder charges when she served as the Hennepin County attorney. The protesters held signs reading “Shame!” and demanded that Klobuchar meet with Burrell’s family to hear their grievances.

    Myon Burrell was convicted for the first-degree murder of 11-year-old Tyesha Edwards, who was shot by a stray bullet while in her home. At 16 years old, Burrell was arrested, along with Hans Williams and Ike Tyson. Burrell lost his appeal in a court hearing in 2008, when Klobuchar was serving in the U.S. Senate.

    While running for the U.S. Senate in 2006, Klobuchar laid stress on her reactionary “tough on crime” rhetoric. While running for president, Klobuchar has boasted of how she brings “justice” to Black communities in regard to shootings.

    “When I came into that office, we worked with the community groups, we put up billboards, we found the shooter and we put him in jail, “she said about another shooting victim.  In response to Burrell’s case, she said, “We did the same for the killer of a little girl named Tyesha Edwards who was doing her homework at her kitchen table and was shot through the window.”

    Early in February, the Associated Press reported flaws in Klobuchar’s case against Burrell, including the facts that police had found no weapon and that the key testimony came from only one person, who was considered a “rival” of the defendant. Also, an investigator was caught giving cash for suspect hearsay.

    Burrell has sought a new trial to consider new evidence. He says today of former Hennepin County Prosecutor Klobuchar: “She recharged me with first-degree murder, never looked into the facts of the case. Never looked into the misconduct that had taken place. Never even addressed the misconduct that had taken place and still put the same detective, the same police on my case to go and get more bogus evidence.”

    Burrell believes that Klobchuar is the reason why he is in jail. “Yes, I feel like she played a big part. Personally, I feel like she is the source of everything that happened with her charging me.” Free Myon Burrell and say no to Klobuchar’s party of racism!

  • For a Revolutionary and Militant March 8!

    We women stand up, fight back, organize barricades and mobilize in many corners of the world. We break prejudices and fears, and do so with clenched fists in the streets of Chile, Colombia, India, Turkey, Hong Kong, Ecuador, Puerto Rico, Palestine, Bolivia, France, Iraq and other parts of the globe.

    By IWL-FI

    These are very diverse struggles. In all of them, we are also working-class women leaders. We fight alongside the struggling people against governments and the capitalist system, against machismo and exploitation. We express our own urgent demands in each of these struggles, and we demand them to be taken up by the masses that bring the struggle to the streets.

    This March 8th will not be another day of commemoration, it will not be a day to celebrate that women politicians in governmental positions, who have nothing to do with those who suffer the hardships caused by capital. This upcoming M8 must embody this spirit that circulates the world – from Chile to Hong Kong – and reach those who have not yet joined. This March 8 should be for struggle and revolution! From the IWL-FI we will be available to carry out this task wherever we are.

    Some years ago, many feminist sectors call a women’s strike for this day. It is critical for women to take that tool of struggle of the working class, make it international and reclaim the rights of working-class women, the youth, and girls. In 1910, the International Socialist Women’s Conference proposed to make March 8 a day of worldwide struggle of the entire working class to achieve rights such as voting and equality and for the end of oppression and exploitation for all working-class women. M8 became international after St. Petersburg textile workers went on strike and the Russian 1917 workers’ revolution impacted the entire world.

    Today, the need for M8 to be a day of struggle, a day that should be joined by all the exploited and the oppressed, is still present. We do not want only women to fight back that day, we want and we need a general strike FOR WOMEN’S LIVES AND THEIR DEMANDS, which are a fundamental part of every worker’s struggle for a socialist system; a system without oppression or exploitation. The hardships we suffered at the beginning of the 20th century are still in force, and in some cases they have gotten worse.

    Femicide continues to increase worldwide, rape, sexual harassment and kidnapping for women trafficking is common currency. We had to sing in different languages “The rapist is you” to put on the world stage the sexual, symbolic and economic violence we are subjected to.

    They violate us with starvation wages and want to force us to work until death. Labor reforms seek to subject us even more, young women lose access to education, live precarious lives, and our jobs are unstable. Those of us who are Black, migrant, indigenous or diverse suffer cruelty in many ways and are discriminated against at work.

    We want to end hate crimes, we say stop LGBTIphobia and we demand affirmative action for trans people at workplaces. It is an obligation of the State to take women out of the scourge of prostitution and provide jobs for all instead of “regulating it” so that pimps increase their profits. On top of exploitation, the capitalist society subjects us to oppression, harassment and sexist violence in our workplaces, due to the fact that we are women. But far from complying, we fight for decent working conditions. Our bodies and our sexuality are not for sale! We are not commodities!

    The battle-cry for the right to choose the moment of motherhood becomes more urgent and thanks to the struggle, it has more and more strength in many parts of the world. Handkerchiefs and street actions call for free and legal abortion. They also demand no incarceration for abortion and sexual education to be compulsory in all schools. It is urgent to have a universal and free healthcare system. We do not want parental controls, to die due to clandestine abortions, or have women forced to rent their bellies in order to eat. We want all churches to be separated from the State.

    We are still enslaved by the tasks at home. The adjustment and austerity plans, whether from the right-wing or the left-wing administrations, continue to place more and more childcare tasks on our backs. We want to romanticize these tasks away and we demand specific policies and budgets for us to stop working 4 to 6 hours longer than men. We need free public childcare centers for all children paid by the capitalists.
    We see right-wing administrations working to cut our rights and commodify our lives as well as those of the working-class. However, we do not believe that M8 should focus on fighting back “emerging fascism.” On the contrary, we believe that women and peoples are rising and fighting back the policies of hunger and repression of all kinds of governments, both right-wing and those who call themselves “left-wing” as well. The Chilean revolution, the Palestinian resistance, the struggles in France and India, even the resistance to the coup in Bolivia show that we and all the people can and should take to the streets.
    Wherever we stand up, they repress and try to silence us. On M8 we will go out to denounce the repression, to say that we will not stand the use of sexual violence as a way of torture anymore. We will go out to demand the immediate release of all political prisoners, women and men.
    Our struggle is part of the working class and popular struggles. Our demands must be raised by all who suffer and fight back the hardships of capital. That is why we believe that a women-only strike is not enough and even divides the forces. We want everyone together to stand up for our rights, we want a general strike for women rights and lives.
    We believe that unions in the world should break the inertia placing their strength at our service. We, the female workers, the poor women and the young women will be the ones at the forefront on March 8, who will decide upon our demands and needs, but everyone must rise up together. We are convinced that it is imperative to fight back machismo inside both the labor movement and the working class itself so that the workers can join the common fight in better conditions. We need working-class men to support our demands and to come with us to strengthen this struggle, because, it is part of the broader struggle of all the exploited and the oppressed against that system and its governments.
    Although the UN and many sectors of the feminist movement want to make us believe in the possibility of ending all the oppression we are subjected to under capitalism empowering bourgeois women, the reality is that, even M8, declared as International Working-Class Women’s Day, at first emerged as a grassroots movement of immigrant women who worked for textile industry in New York and organized strikes and mass actions to improve their working conditions and to have the right for union representation.
    We want March 8 to be a day of struggle and revolution, we want our strength to be felt across the world. Furthermore, the same way we should be at the forefront of the struggles against the right-wing governments and capitalists, we should not let ourselves be cheated by the positions that a minority of women reach in governments or corporations. Although a few of us manage to break the famous “glass ceiling,” most of us are still stuck to an increasingly sticky floor, which prevents us from moving ahead. We shall not let them silence us with parliamentary traps or repressive backlash. We will stand united and we will demand that a general strike and days of protests to be called for our rights everywhere.
    The IWL-FI will be at the forefront of this struggle and we will make every effort to prepare it because, in addition to being a major human right, the struggle for women’s liberation is part of our daily struggle for the construction of a socialist world which, as Rosa Luxemburg said, “We are socially equal, humanly different and totally free”.

  • Chile – The Validity of the Chilean Revolution

    Special interview with Maria Rivera, leader of the Chilean section of the International Workers’ League – MIT – and advocate of popular advocacy. Is there a “reactionary wave against women”? How can there be an ultra-right government like Bolsonaro and a revolution like Chile’s in the same continent?

    In this interview, they talk with María Rivera of MIT (Chile) and Vera Lúcia of PSTU (Brazil), about these issues and the struggle of women in their countries and in the world.
    (English, Spanish,Portuguese subtitles available)
    From the Marxism Alive weekly video series of LIT/IWL. Watch the interview, here:
  • Cop union counters Mumia’s fight for freedom

    Cop union counters Mumia’s fight for freedom
    March 2020 Mumia rally
    Mumia’s supporters rallied in Philadelphia on Feb. 28. (John Leslie / Socialist Resurgence)

    By JOHN LESLIE

    “They have struck a match with a fire that they can’t put out.

    PHILADELPHIA — The Fraternal Order of Police (FOP) and its allies have launched a new attack on Mumia Abu-Jamal and democratic rights. The Pennsylvania Supreme Court granted a petition of Maureen Faulkner Popovich, the widow of Officer Daniel Faulkner, asking for a “King’s Bench” intervention in Mumia’s case. This action cuts across all activity in Mumia’s court case by appointing a Special Master to oversee an investigation into “obvious conflicts of interest” in District Attorney Larry Krasner’s office. Representatives of Faulkner, who has been a perennial tool of the FOP in proceedings against Mumia, allege that Krasner’s office ignored “conflicted representation and the numerous appearances of impropriety.”

    The King’s Bench, an extraordinary power granted in only seven U.S. states, allows a state’s highest court to intervene and exert jurisdiction over a lower level of the judicial system.

    Linn Washington, a journalist and professor at Temple University, wrote that “this grant of King’s Bench once again displays the readiness of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court to wallow in misconduct specifically to pervert the justice so long overdue for Mumia Abu-Jamal.”  Washington also noted that the “King’s Bench is not appropriate for an individual or group simply displeased with a governmental action,” which is exactly the circumstance in the current case. In previous decisions the Pennsylvania Supreme Court has rejected relief on these grounds.

    Speaking at a Feb. 28 rally in Philadelphia (see video below), Pam Africa, a long-time leader in the fight for Mumia’s freedom, said, “What we want to point out is that the FOP, who misuses Maureen Faulkner, went and did an illegal act bringing in the King’s bench decision … they have struck a match with a fire that they can’t put out. It’s evident that Mumia is innocent. It’s evident that this system is using every ploy to kill Mumia.”

    Supporters rally

    Supporters of Mumia rallied outside of the DA’s office on Feb. 28 before marching to the office of Pennsylvania Attorney General Josh Shapiro. It should be noted that Shapiro, a Democrat, hired prosecutors that Krasner had fired in an attempt to clean up the DA’s office. Last year, the state legislature passed a measure that stripped some of the power from Krasner’s office and gave it to Shapiro.

    At the rally, Johanna Fernandez, a Baruch University history professor and filmmaker who works with Mumia’s attorneys, said, “We who believe in freedom cannot rest in this town that imprisons the largest number of Black and Latino youth in the country. The district that imprisons the largest number Black and Latino youth does so because it is rotten to the core, and the reason why we are here really is because approximately one year ago there was a great discovery in this case. And what is that discovery? That the key witness in the case of Mumia Abu-Jamal, Robert Chobert, … sent a note to the then prosecutor in this case, Joe McGill, asking ‘where is my money?’ That means that there is new exculpatory evidence in the case of Mumia Abu-Jamal that says and suggests clearly that the main witness was bought off by the cops and by the prosecutor to finger Mumia. If that evidence sees the light of day, Mumia will walk amongst us in the city of Philadelphia like the MOVE 9, who are now free.”

    Supporters of justice for Mumia have been quick to point out the criticisms that they leveled at Krasner since taking office. Despite his “progressive” credentials as a former defense attorney, Krasner has been hesitant to take on the FOP in Mumia’s case. However, Krasner has taken steps to clean up some of the worst aspects of the DA’s office, which is infamous for prosecutorial misconduct and racism. It’s this modest effort that has drawn the ire of the cop union and its reactionary allies.

    The FOP has been a consistent defender of police violence against Black and Latinx people. The cop “union” is a reactionary formation that has consistently taken actions and positions counter to the interests of working people. When workers go on strike to defend their rights, it’s the cops, acting as the armed agents of the capitalist state, who enforce injunctions and, at times, take violent action against picket lines.

    Socialists understand that the cops, courts, and the rest of the criminal injustice system are not neutral but stand in defense of the capitalist class. This includes district attorneys, who act as part of the law enforcement infrastructure. Therefore there can be no endorsement or political support for district attorneys—no matter how progressive they purport to be.

    The framing of Mumia

    Mumia Abu-Jamal, an award-winning journalist and former member of the Black Panther Party (BPP), was convicted of the 1981 murder of police officer Daniel Faulkner in a frame-up trial featuring unreliable witnesses and little physical evidence. The DA’s office used Mumia’s former membership in the BPP to argue for the death penalty. At the time of the trial, Judge Albert Sabo, also a member of the FOP, was overheard by a white court stenographer, saying that he was going to “help them [prosecutors] fry that n****r.”

    The Philadelphia DA’s office is well known for biased prosecutions and suppression of evidence in death penalty and other cases. The DA’s office was exposed for a 1986 training video that taught assistant DAs how to keep Blacks off juries. In Mumia’s case, crime scene photos taken by photojournalist Pedro Polokoff showed cops holding guns taken in evidence with their bare hands, and showed the hat of deceased Officer Daniel Faulkner placed on top of Mumia’s brother Billy Cook’s VW, though it appears on the sidewalk in the official police photos. The ballistics evidence was questionable. The Polokoff photos also don’t show the cab allegedly driven by Chobert at the scene.

    An international mass movement grew in response to Mumia’s case. The movement’s steadfast determination to save Mumia’s life helped win a reversal of the death sentence, which was commuted to a life sentence.

    Although Mumia’s death sentence was overturned, he was later struck by a series of potentially life-threatening illnesses. It became clear that the Department of Corrections was neglecting symptoms of diabetes. He experienced chronic fatigue, painful itching, and eczema, which worsened when doctors prescribed a topical ointment. In 2015, Mumia was hospitalized for diabetes and in the same year initiated legal action to receive treatment for Hepatitis C. It took a two-year struggle to get life-saving medication for Mumia‘s Hepatitis C.

    More recently, Mumia’s supporters have successfully fought to make sure that he received cataract surgery to stave off the threat of blindness. At every turn, Mumia and his supporters have struggled to make sure that he received proper treatment in the face of death by medical neglect.

     Legal challenge

    In a series of court appearances over the past couple of years, Mumia’s lawyers challenged Mumia’s conviction and argued for a new appeals process under the Williams v. Pennsylvania decision.

    Terrance Williams had been convicted and sentenced to death for robbery and murder. Ron Castille, the chief justice of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court, had been the district attorney of Philadelphia when Williams was tried, convicted, and sentenced to death. When Williams appealed, his attorneys asked that Justice Castille recuse himself from the case given his previous role as prosecutor. Castille refused. The U.S. Supreme Court later ruled that a prosecutor who later becomes a judge should recuse himself or herself if asked to hear an appeal in a case they had prosecuted.

    Mumia’s attorneys sought to prove Castille’s involvement in his prosecution, since Castille had refused to recuse himself from Mumia’s appeal. They also argued on the basis of bias. On Dec. 27, 2018, Philadelphia Common Pleas Court Judge Leon Tucker ruled in favor of Mumia Abu-Jamal, holding that the actions of Judge Castille had demonstrated a “lack of impartiality” and “the appearance of bias.”

    Attorney Judith Ritter explained at a Sept. 28, 2019, public meeting that the ruling referred to the discovery of a 1990 letter from Castille, when he was the Philadelphia DA, to Governor Bob Casey, urging him to sign death warrants for death row inmates “to send a clear and dramatic message to all police killers that the death penalty in Pennsylvania actually means something.”

    In December 2018, DA’s office employees “found” six boxes of evidence in Mumia’s case that had been “misplaced” years before. It was in these boxes that the Chobert letter to McGill demanding payment was found. Krasner only released the evidence under order from Judge Tucker. Krasner hesitantly decided not to oppose a new hearing for Mumia. Mumia’s supporters anticipated a response by Krasner to the defense petition for Post Conviction Relief Hearings and remanding the case back to the Court of Common Pleas. It was fear of the outcome of such a hearing that drove the FOP and Faulkner to intervene.

    The MOVE 9 are free, now free Mumia!

    Fighting to free Mumia Abu-Jamal is an urgent task. We can’t wait passively for the legal process to play out. Mass pressure and mobilization is still our best way to keep pressure on the system. Activist groups, unions, and student organizations should educate and mobilize their members to fight for freedom for Mumia.

    We know that freedom for Mumia will be a victory for everyone. Overturning Mumia’s conviction will be another death blow to the regime of mass incarceration as he joins the movement to swing the prison doors wide open and release all the unjustly incarcerated Black and Brown people in America’s gulags. On the weekend of April 24, Mumia’s 66th birthday, in Philadelphia, there will be film showings, and house meetings, culminating in a march on April 25.

    All out on April 25! Free Mumia and all political prisoners! An injury to one is an injury to all!

  • Wet’suwet’en people block gas pipeline in British Columbia

    Wet’suwet’en people block gas pipeline in British Columbia

    Feb. 2020 Indigenous protestBy ADAM RITSCHER

     The Wet’suwet’en are an Indigenous people who live in the forested mountain valleys of British Columbia, just south of the Alaskan panhandle. They have lived there since before the first European colonists arrived in the region, and are governed with the same system of hereditary chiefs that they have had for centuries. They have never been conquered, nor have they ever signed a treaty giving up their land or surrendering their sovereignty. Instead, Canada, and the province of British Columbia, were simply built up around them.

    Canada, through its “Indian Act,” has set up a reserve for the Wet’suwet’en and imposed an officially recognized tribal council, which interfaces with the federal government. But the traditional hereditary chiefs have continued to serve as a sort of defiant, parallel government. Over the years, a de facto division of labor has emerged, in which the tribal council administers the official reserve while the council hereditary chiefs speak for the rest of the Wet’suwet’en’s unceded traditional territory.

    That arrangement was torn asunder when the officially recognized tribal council signed a deal with TC Energy on behalf of its proposed Coast GasLink natural gas pipeline, which would transport fracked gas to a liquid natural gas facility and shipping terminal on the Pacific Ocean. Despite the tribal council signing off on it, the hereditary chiefs and many of the Wet’suwet’en people are determined to stop the pipeline from passing through their land.

    To stop the pipeline, the Wet’suwet’en set up protest camps, as well as roadblocks along construction access roads. These roadblocks have been attacked by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police starting in January. Wearing military-style uniforms, the RCMP swooped in and arrested people conducting traditional ceremonies, and tore open the gates that the protesters had set up.

    Rather than breaking the back of the Indigenous resistance, however, these RCMP raids ended up being the spark that ignited a national fire. Solidarity protests erupted across Canada. Some of these protests saw bitter battles with groups of racists, and in Regina a car was driven into a solidarity protest. But the protests continued. In early February, a number of Indigenous protesters and their allies began occupying railway tracks, preventing numerous CN freight and VIA Rail passenger trains from moving.

    The main railroad blockade is being carried out by Tyendinaga Mohawk. The Mohawk have stated that they are carrying out this solidarity action to thank other First Nations people for supporting them in previous struggles they have had with the Canadian government. And what a powerful solidarity action is has been! The site of their blockade is in Belleville, Ont., which is a major choke point for Canada’s transcontinental railroad network.

    Several railroad blockades have gone up elsewhere in Canada. Additional actions have taken place at ports, bridges and international border crossings. Courts are issuing enough injunctions to wallpaper a room. Police are scrambling to break up blockades, only to see them go right back up. Following a police raid on the Tyendinaga Mohawak blockade, for example, Indigenous protesters responded by setting the tracks on fire.

    Meanwhile, the ruling class of Canada is crying bloody murder. Despite his earlier attempts to paint himself as a friend of First Nations people, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau has repeatedly scolded protesters. Others in government and the media have tried to whip up a racist backlash. But so far, the Indigenous protesters are standing strong, and in doing so are setting an inspiring example for all of us.

    We urge our readers to support the Wet’suwet’en and other First Nations who are taking this stand, to build local solidarity actions, and to donate to the Unist’ot’en Legal Fund at tinyurl.com/tvg96xj/ .

     

  • Bernie Sanders and the Democratic Party shell game

    Bernie Sanders and the Democratic Party shell game

    Feb. 2020 Sanders

    By JOHN LESLIE and ERWIN FREED

    Joe Biden placed his hopes on seizing a commanding lead in the 14-state Super Tuesday Democratic Party primary contest. The results indicate a a big day, with the former VP taking Massachusetts, Minnesota, North Carolina, Virginia, Alabama, Texas, and Oklahoma. Bernie Sanders won the top prize of California, as well as his home state of Vermont, Utah, and Colorado. About one-third of all Democratic delegates are at stake in this primary.

    Super Tuesday results indicate that Biden is attracting older Black voters while Sanders has a lock on the youth vote. Bloomberg, despite spending hundreds of millions, managed to win only a few delegates. On Wednesday morning, Bloomberg suspended his campaign and endorsed Biden, further tightening the vise on Sanders.

    Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders surged as the leading Democratic Party candidate after the Nevada primary. Party leaders have frantically searched for a candidate to counter him. Sanders won the popular vote in Iowa although South Bend Mayor Pete Buttigieg narrowly edged him for delegates, 13-12. In New Hampshire, Sanders won with 26% of the vote, followed closely by two centrists, Buttigieg and Amy Klobuchar. Sanders surprised the media and the party establishment with a win in Nevada, gaining almost 47% of the vote. Latinx voters and rank-and-file casino workers played a decisive role in the Sanders win. 

    Biden, the anointed establishment candidate, won in South Carolina with 48.4 % of the vote, which was hailed in the media as decisive and impressive. The Democrats continue to push the former vice president as an alternative to Sanders. Buttigieg’s gains in early voting and Klobuchar’s rise above Warren in New Hampshire surprised many analysts, but their poor performance in South Carolina was a factor in their decisions to drop out and endorse Biden. Clearly, the DNC and Wall Street pushed for so-called centrists to close ranks against Sanders.

    Former New York City Mayor Bloomberg has spent more than $450 million so far to buy the nomination. The Democratic National Committee (DNC), which is desperate for a centrist alternative to Sanders, changed the rules in the middle of the game to allow Bloomberg into the Nevada debates. Fear of Sanders’ reformism has clearly struck terror into the hearts of the DNC, which depends on Wall Street cash to fund itself and party activities.

    During the Nevada Democratic debate, Bloomberg dismissed Sanders’ positions as “communism.” The Sanders win in Nevada sparked a frenzy of panicked reactions in the pro-capitalist media. MSNBC host Chris Matthews compared Sanders’ victory to the Nazi invasion of France during World War II only days after saying that following a “Red” victory in the Cold War “there would have been executions in Central Park, and I might have been one of the ones getting executed.” Matthews issued a tepid apology after a backlash against his statement on the invasion of France.

    NBC commentator Chuck Todd compared Sanders supporters to Nazi brownshirts earlier in February, sparking calls for his resignation. Sanders’ statement on the successful literacy campaign following the Cuban Revolution sparked another round of McCarthy-style denunciations both inside and outside of the Democratic Party, even though Obama had expressed similar opinions several years ago. Wall Street investors expressed fear that a Sanders presidency would destroy the economy.

    Like Trump, Sanders appeals to a layer of the electorate that is disaffected and angry at their continued economic misfortunes. Income inequality has persisted and grown worse. Massive student debt acts as a brake on the social mobility of young people. Stagnant wages and higher housing costs have pushed some working people into homelessness, and gentrification has meant the displacement of whole neighborhoods.

    Yet Democratic Party regulars seem mystified that Sanders appeals to a broad spectrum of Democratic voters. They have convinced themselves that only a “centrist” or moderate can challenge Trump. It’s clear that the Democratic Party would rather sustain a defeat, and four more years of Trump, than the victory of a reformist candidate like Sanders.

    What are Sanders’ real politics?

    Despite his use of the “democratic socialist” label to describe his politics, it’s clear that Sanders’ politics are closer to New Deal liberalism, slightly repackaged and updated, than to any real challenge to the rule of capital.

    At a public forum last year, he clarified his views: “What do I mean when I talk about democratic socialism? It certainly is not the authoritarian communism that existed in the Soviet Union and in other communist countries. This is what it means.

    “It means that we cherish, among other things, our Bill of Rights. And Franklin Roosevelt made this point … in 1944, in a State of the Union Address that never got a whole lot of attention. This is what he said, basically—it was a very profound speech toward the end of World War II. He said: You know, we’ve got a great Constitution. Bill of Rights protects your freedom of religion, freedom of assembly, freedom of speech, and all that stuff. Great. But you know what it doesn’t protect? It doesn’t protect and guarantee you economic rights.”

    The reality of Sanders’ whole career has been as a pragmatic “outsider” who just happens to be inside the Democratic Party in every way. He caucuses with Democrats, votes with them, is the standing chair of the Senate Democrats Outreach Committee, and is entirely dependent on their political apparatus. His choice to run in the Democratic Party primaries was not an accident, nor was it to bring “socialism” into the mainstream. He is a career politician who acts in the service of capital. Whatever moral connection he might feel to working people is negated by the fact that he is building a movement for their class enemy.

    Sanders’ record on foreign policy is one of loyal support for the imperial project. He has voted to financially support every U.S. military adventure over the past 20 years. Sanders supported the development of the F-35 fighter jet—a $1.5 trillion handout to defense contractors.

    At times, Sanders has opposed the war machine, speaking against death squads in Central America in the 1980s or voting against the first Gulf War, but these were exceptions. During the 1990s, Sanders supported sanctions against both Libya and Iraq and the bombing of Kosovo. An estimated one million Iraqis, half of them children, died under the brutal sanctions regime. Sanders voted in favor of the post-9/11 Authorization for Use of Military force and has been a consistent “yes” vote on funding for U.S. military adventurism in the Middle East.

    Sanders has been a loyal supporter of Israel in Congress, voting for military aid and in favor of attacks on Lebanon and Gaza framed as self-defense. At times, Sanders has criticized Israeli human rights abuses against Palestinians, but his record of support for the apartheid state is clear. He has referred to the BDS movement as anti-Semitic. His response to the Trump “deal of the century” for Palestine was to call for a return to the “two-state solution” and international law.

    In an interview on the TV show “60 Minutes,” Sanders discussed scenarios where he would use military force as president, saying, “We’ve got to make it clear to countries around the world that we will not sit by and allow invasions to take place.” He expressed support for NATO and said that he would respond to threats against the U.S. and its allies. Sanders promised to defend Taiwan against an attack from China.

    Bloomberg’s record

    The latest centrist challenge to Sanders, Michael Bloomberg, a former Republican and one of the wealthiest men in the world, displaced working-class residents by accelerating gentrification in the largest U.S. city. His police force expanded stop and frisk policies begun by Giuliani, which disproportionately targeted Black and Latinx youth. During his three terms in office, cops conducted more than 5 million such searches, seven times the rate under the Giuliani administration.

    In 2013, Bloomberg said, “I think we disproportionately stop whites too much and minorities too little.” In defense of stop and frisk, he said, “If you look at where crime takes place, it’s in minority neighborhoods. If you look at who the victims and the perpetrators are, it’s virtually all minorities.” In the same interview he also asserted that Black and Latino men “don’t know how to behave in the workplace where they have to work collaboratively and collectively.”

    While Bloomberg has offered half-hearted apologies for stop and frisk, he has gathered support from a layer of Black politicians, including members of the Congressional Black Caucus, former Philadelphia Mayor Michael Nutter (also a proponent of stop and frisk), and Houston Mayor Sylvester Turner.

    During the Nevada debate, Warren came out swinging at Bloomberg’s record of sexual harassment and allegations of mistreatment of women, calling for Bloomberg to release women from their Non-Disclosure Agreements. In another incident last year, Bloomberg referred to trans people as “it” and a “some guy in a dress.”

    A shell game

    Since the election of Trump, the Democrats have mounted a half-hearted “resistance” that hands Trump what he wants. For all of the Democratic rhetoric that Trump is a threat to the republic and democracy, Democrats in Congress voted to renew the PATRIOT Act and gave Trump billions more in defense spending. Democratic protests about the assassination of the Iranian commander, Qasem Soleimani, were about process and not the legitimacy of imperialist intervention in the Middle East or the legality of murdering a foreign leader. Complaints from Congressional Democrats accepted the imperialist framework but expressed outrage that Trump didn’t play by the established rules.

    Meanwhile, Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid and other social programs are in danger. Environmental laws have been gutted and Trump’s climate denialism endangers future generations. The two-party shell game is a losing proposition for working people.

    The Democratic Party is the oldest party in the United States. The party focused on maintaining the rule of Southern slaveholders in an uneasy coalition with the merchant capitalists of the North. The interests of the small farmers and workers in the cities who supported and formed the base of the party were subordinated to those of the major ruling classes.

    Today, while the Republicans, Democrats and other ruling-class politicians can debate over how they should respond to the demands of their working-class constituents, they are fundamentally opposed to overturning the rule of capital and are opposed to worker’s democracy.

    The political caste of both parties is corrupt and out of touch with the needs and concerns of working people. There is a deepening political crisis in the U.S., which is a symptom of the rot in U.S. society—an economic recovery that has only benefited the richest, persistent wealth inequality, homelessness, mass incarceration, and the growth of an energized far right. This political crisis will only deepen as the effects of the climate crisis grow more acute.

    Would electing Sanders president usher in a new era of reforms and gains for working people? Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez pointed out that President Sanders would have to compromise on Medicare for All to get the measure through Congress. It’s unlikely that the Democratic Party elected officials would support any ambitious reforms. In Virginia, where the Democrats control both houses of the General Assembly and the governorship, they refused to repeal the state’s union-busting “right-to-work” law because corporate interests opposed repeal.

    Even though the Democrats controlled Congress and the White House in the early years of the Obama administration, they failed to pass legislation making it easier to join a union or a higher minimum wage. The federal minimum wage continues to be $7.25 per hour. The Democrats are long on promises when they know nothing can be done and notably absent when the time comes to pass even the mildest of reforms.

    A party of our own

    Shouts of support for Sanders have been echoing through the left as a supposed alternative to “establishment” candidates represented by Biden and Bloomberg. In-fighting within the Democratic Party establishment is being used to justify support for Sanders.

    Activists are sacrificing the independence of social movements for a chance to have “their guy” at the table of capitalist politics. Ostensible revolutionaries in Solidarity, Socialist Alternative, and the Party for Socialism and Liberation have thrown support behind Sanders.

    Some former members and leaders of the now defunct International Socialist Organization (ISO) have crossed the class line to support Sanders. As an organization, the ISO had opposed support for Democrats, but this support for political independence collapsed rapidly under pressure of the reformist Sanders campaign. The ISO did, however, support the multi-class Green Party’s presidential campaigns. Other former leaders and members of the ISO, organized in the Revolutionary Socialist Network and various independent collectives, have refused to take this opportunist course.

    Socialist Resurgence understands the strong desire for change that drives many people to support the Sanders campaign, but we argue that neither Sanders nor the Democratic Party can be the vehicle to achieve the fundamental social changes necessary for workers and the oppressed. We would argue instead for independent working-class and socialist campaigns. We can’t look away or make excuses for Sanders’ support for imperialist interventions and for Israel’s oppression of the Palestinian people.

    The Democratic Party has been impervious to reformist progressive or social democratic efforts to reform its structures. The Democrats are institutionally tied to capitalist interests but have displayed the ability to co-opt the middle-class leaderships of social movements and the labor bureaucracy. The presence of these sorts of movement “leaders” within the Democratic Party is calculated to short circuit reform efforts and to assimilate workers and oppressed peoples as passive voters. The prospect of a “brokered” convention that would rob Sanders of the nomination is very real—much like the 2016 sabotage of Sanders’ nomination by the DNC. If Sanders loses the primary contest, he will undoubtedly support the eventual nominee—just like he did in 2016.

    The example of the McGovern campaign in 1972 illustrates the futility of trying to “capture” the Democrats by progressives. The insurgent and moderately “antiwar” McGovern campaign was cut off by the labor movement and party institutions, going down in one of the most lopsided defeats in U.S. history. The McGovernites managed to make some democratic reforms in party structures and processes, but these were soon reversed by the neoliberal Clintonite “New Democrats.”

    The Democratic leadership is intent on stopping a Sanders nomination by every means at their disposal. The New York Times reported (Feb. 27, 2020): “Dozens of interviews with Democratic establishment leaders this week show that they are not just worried about Mr. Sanders’s candidacy, but are also willing to risk intraparty damage to stop his nomination at the national convention in July if they get the chance. Since Mr. Sanders’s victory in Nevada’s caucuses on Saturday, The Times has interviewed 93 party officials—all of them super-delegates, who could have a say on the nominee at the convention—and found overwhelming opposition to handing the Vermont senator the nomination if he arrived with the most delegates but fell short of a majority.”

    Revolutionary socialists understand that there is no electoral road to socialism. We don’t reject participation in elections, but we have no illusions that elections, especially under the banner of a capitalist party, can achieve the radical and thoroughgoing changes necessary. The Climate Crisis, income inequality, racism and oppression, and labor rights can’t be permanently solved under capitalism. The Democrats are a party of imperialist war and capitalist austerity. Attempts to realign the party or use the Democrats’ ballot line are doomed to fail and will only continue to subordinate the interests of working people to a party of the capitalist class.

    What is necessary is a mass struggle for the democratic ownership and control of the economy and society by the working class and its allies. No gains won by working people have ever been freely given. Even the most modest reforms must be won through independent mass struggles. Revolutionaries support reform struggles but insist on the need to go beyond mere reforms:

    “The essence of Marxist strategy, of any revolutionary strategy in our time, is to combine the struggle for reforms with the struggle for revolution. This is the only way in which to build a revolutionary party capable of providing reliable leadership to the masses and of enabling them in revolutionary situations to make the transition, in consciousness and in action, from the struggle for reforms to the struggle for power and revolution” (George Breitman, “Is It Wrong For Revolutionaries To Fight For Reforms?”).

    What can be done now?

    In 2018, Socialist Resurgence members in Connecticut, then part of Socialist Action, ran antiwar veteran and climate activist Fred Linck for U.S. Senate. Ultimately, Linck was not put on the ballot due to the machinations of the Democrats, despite having gathered more than 11,000 signatures. Campaign supporters spoke to thousands of people about the campaign and its platform.

    Similarly, the 2019 independent socialist campaign of Ellie Hamrick for city council in Athens, Ohio, relayed a popular message without watering down its revolutionary program. Almost 600 people voted for Hamrick, who called for rent control, police abolition, workers’ rights, and decriminalized solutions to the opioid crisis. In the process, Hamrick’s campaign exposed landlord ties to the Democratic Party.

    Socialist organizations, community organizations, and labor activists could immediately take steps to organize labor-community councils around a fighting program to address the climate, housing, and income inequality crises. These councils could build active workplace Labor Party clubs as well.

    Councils could run candidates for Congress on a common program and put pressure on the unions to convene a Congress of Labor to include all workers’ organizations and organizations of the oppressed. Such a Congress would elaborate a program to address the coming climate catastrophe, police brutality, jobs, health care, mass incarceration, and imperialist wars overseas. This gathering could also immediately break with the Democrats and build a mass Labor Party.

    An independent working-class party must be built as a clear alternative to the Democrats. This means a combined fight for a Labor or workers’ party, for a class-struggle leadership in the unions, and the building of a revolutionary organization rooted in the working class and organizations of the oppressed. A working-class party would not simply be an electoral apparatus but would fight daily in workplaces, schools, and neighborhoods for the interests of the oppressed and exploited.

     

  • Statement of Solidarity with Popular Mobilizations in Iran

    Statement of Solidarity with Popular Mobilizations in Iran
    La Voz de l@s Trabajadores/Workers’ Voice supports the struggle of working class people in Iran for political and democratic rights. We support our Iranian comrades in struggle fighting against austerity as expressed in their November 2019 uprising, and we condemn the state-led massacre of protesters. We also support the ongoing working class and democratic struggles in Iraq, Lebanon and elsewhere in the Middle East which are calling for an end to both US intervention in the region as well as an end to the intervention of Iran or any other regional powers. We demand immediate withdrawal of all US armaments, bases and troops from the Middle East and an end to US sanctions against Iran which have waged economic warfare upon the people. We know that working class and oppressed peoples in the United States have much in common with the struggles of our companions across the Middle East and North Africa. As we remain in internationalist solidarity with each other, our struggles will prevail.
    February 16, 2020

  • A Deepening Crisis of Indian Capitalism

    Between 2010 and 2012, India experienced a heightened phase of class struggle. 2010 saw the largest working class mobilization till that point with the general strike called by trade unions. The same period saw intense struggles in Northern India around the automotive industrial belt around Gurgaon and Noida. Students and youth protests rocked the country around the most important democratic questions of the day, self determination for Kashmir, gender equality and against political corruption.
    By Mazdoor Inqilab India
    The collective weight of all these brought down the behemoth that was the Congress party, a political party that had ruled India for most of its history and constructed the capitalist system in India as we know it. Unfortunately, these movements were neither unified nor led by a conscious revolutionary leadership which could lead it towards something beyond mere electoral change. As a result, the much more organized reactionary forces of the BJP and RSS benefitted from the loss of the Congress. The same period saw the fall of Indian Stalinism with the Left Front losing their largest constituency in West Bengal. The void in left leadership created by this, did not get filled by a revolutionary force, on the contrary a regional semi-fascistic force emerged in the form of the TMC. (Trinamool Congress) . The youth and peasants protests which brought down the Stalinist government in the state, presented a mobilization which could have created the grounds for revolutionary organization, yet again, the failure to build revolutionary leadership led to the triumph of reaction.

    Thus, with this background we come to the period of BJP rule in India. In the year 2014, the people still remembered the corruption and oppression of the Congress government that preceded it. The hatred for the Congress outweighed any fear of the BJP.. Bourgeois liberals could cry themselves hoarse and promote the Congress as the lesser evil, but this failed to resonate with the vast majority of working masses who suffered from the Congress rule.

    Reaction and resistance :

    Almost as soon as they came the power the BJP made clear their reactionary agenda before the country when they targetted the amendments to the Land Acquisition Act. It was also the first major defeat of this government when peasants across the country protested against the move. In the parliament, opposition parties united to block the government’s ordinance, eventually the ordinance lapsed. (https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/land-ordinance-allowed-to-lapse/article7592054.ece) . Despite this defeat the BJP did not give up on its pro-business and reactionary social agenda.

    The government’s move to lower interest rates on provident fund met a similar fate, being defeated in the face of protests across the country and the threat of strike. Ultimately, the government could not move forward with its proposed austerity. Though, this has not deterred them from attempting to amend labour laws all with the aim of making it easier for capitalists to more thoroughly exploit the working class. (https://thewire.in/labour/indias-labour-laws-are-being-amended-for-companies-not-workers) (https://frontline.thehindu.com/the-nation/article28757774.ece)

    The BJP being a party rooted in the Hindutva agenda, wasted no time in pursuing it. The greatest beneficiary of BJP rule has been its mother organization, the RSS (National Self volunteer organization). Minorities, especially muslim and christians all over the country came under attack from vigilante ‘cow protectors’ .  Standing against this was a secular movement. While not unified under one political formation, the campaign for preserving the secular nature of the Indian state, which sees equal status to all religious groups. While the secular movement has brought together both leftists and centrist forces, leftist forces do not hold sway over it, consequently the narrative for a secular state becomes watered down, and calls to defend secularism never go beyond the confines of the constitution and the Indian legal system. Revolutionary forces have failed to get hold of the movement and shape the narrative around secularism.

    At the same time, the secular movement suffers from its isolation from the struggles of the working class, and important democratic struggles of the lower castes. Though there are efforts to overcome this. Increasingly, as Dalits find themselves threatened as well under the BJP rule, there has been an increasing confluence of these movements.

    The opposition to the BJP resulted in several key early electoral defeats for the party in some important by-elections and they lost a few key state elections, notably Karnataka. The electorate had started to look through the illusory promises of the BJP and the reactionary agenda was failing to win over the broad majority of the people. However, they remained emboldened by the electoral victory in 2014 and the dominance of bourgeois and Stalinist parties in the sphere of opposition stifled the radicalization of the masses. This has stunted the strength of mass opposition against BJP rule.

    A weakened working class and an absent revolutionary force, is what has allowed important mobilizations to either fizzle out or end up hijacked by reactionary forces. This is what has allowed the present government to largely leave unscathed with attacks on public sector companies, educational institutions and the peasantry. Despite mass mobilizations by the peasantry across the country, including such huge shows of strength like the farmer’s march on Bombay, there has been no serious attempt to stem the dire crisis of Indian agriculture, and no real long term solution. The present government, unsurprisingly, cares much more for their largest capitalist benefactors, (the Tatas, Adanis and Ambanis) than the working class, peasantry and youth.

    Thus far the most radical sections of the masses and the most politically active sections have been the students and the youth who have led important agitations against the Modi government and its attacks on the autonomy and quality of educational institutes. In 2015 the protests in FTII are indicative of a much wider trend across the country. These protests have seen mixed and limited successes, but remain an important center of opposition, one which is growing in strength and numbers as we come to 2020.

    The situation after 2019 :

    Despite its defeats and setbacks, the BJP managed a surprise landslide victory in the 2019 general elections. One of the key reasons behind this was the shock move of Demonetization. One midnight in November of 2018, the Prime Minister announced that all five hundred and one thousand rupee notes, which accounted for 80% of cash value in circulation, would be demonetized. Meaning, they would no longer serve as legal tender, after that one night. The whole country was sent into a panic as Indian citizens lined up to banks and hastily called up money changers to get their now redundant notes.

    Most affected by this move were the poor, who had to waste a precious day’s work to stand in queue to get their money changed. Protests had broken out by petty bourgeoisie sections in some parts of the country, however there was no nationwide protest against the move and the government could ride roughshod over the people, driving many to poverty and some were literally driven to their deaths (https://www.forbes.com/sites/timworstall/2016/12/08/indias-demonetisation-kills-100-people-apparently-this-is-not-an-important-number/) . Not long after, the emboldened government pushed forward the regressive Goods and Service tax act. The hasty implementation of this new tax regime caused confusion and chaos across the country even harming India’s external trade. The dual impact of these moves ruined the economy, and their cascading effects caused the Indian economy to slow down to abysmal levels. However, they also deprived the established political parties of much needed cash funding.

    Thanks to dual maneuvers of Demonetization and GST, the BJP had managed to deprive their most important parliamentary rivals of the means to fight as effectively in the general elections. The BJP outspent and outnumbered their opposition to securing a landslide in the elections in 2019, achieving a frighteningly dominant position. Add to this, the continued doubts that the people of India have towards the established bourgeois and counter-revolutionary ‘left’ parties, the BJP could be said to have won a race without any challengers.

    A second BJP victory was demoralizing for many who had fought against the government, but far from dying down, protests and opposition against the party increased. The government took its strength for granted, and the losses of important state elections like Maharashtra and Rajasthan did not deter them from attempting to push forward with its reactionary agenda. Key in this was the abrogation of Article 370 of the Indian constitution which granted Kashmir some degree of autonomy in internal matters, and an amendment to the citizenship law keeping in mind their commitment to creating a National Citizenship Register.

    Ever since the partition of the Indian sub-continent, Kashmir has been a thorny issue for both India and Pakistan. For the Kashmiri people, both powers have been playing their part in denying the people of the region their right to self-determination. Neither state has their best interests at heart and only really want the resources of the state, chiefly its water and key agricultural resources, and the strategic advantage that it provides vis a vis each other, and for India, against China. However, till last year, there was a veneer, a pretense on part of the Indian establishment, that they indeed had the best interests of Kashmir, and could show the greater autonomy and development Indian Occupied Kashmir enjoyed to contrast with the poorer Pakistan Occupied Kashmir and more restricted rights. Under the BJP, that mask has been completely stripped off.

    Not only did the BJP abrogate article 370, which has been one of its longstanding electoral promises, but it has also demoted the state of Jammu and Kashmir to the status of a union territory, which means it would be denied even the limited privileges accrued to a state within the indian quasi-federal structure. In addition to this, the state has been bifurcated between Ladakh in the East and Jammu and Kashmir in the West. Accompanying this, was a prolonged lockdown where communications were shut down, and troops were deployed in large numbers to enforce a curfew. Political leaders were jailed and many still remain imprisoned and dissent is being clamped down. Communications are still restricted and internet access remains limited, the move has brought international condemnation, but the government remains unfazed by any of this. For all practical purposes, Kashmir today is a prison, under military occupation. In the long run, the integration of kashmir will only benefit the Indian capitalist class, as restrictions to purchase property would be done away with, and settlement from india would create a new market for the crisis ridden indian capitalist system to expand. This is nothing but brazen colonialism on display. Whether this also represents the end of the struggle for self determination or not, remains to be seen. As of now, the move to abrogate Kashmir’s status has only met with limited protests in the rest of India and within Kashmir, there is hardly any room to organize and agitate, the government appears to have won the day.

    This is not the case with the Citizenship Amendment Act. The amendment the BJP proposed would allow members of five religious communities who face persecution in three countries, Afghanistan, Pakistan and Bangladesh, an easy route to citizenship in India, but left out the muslim community. Thus, the new citizenship act made Indian citizenship conditional upon religion. However, there is another dimension to this.

    The National Citizenship Register was an attempt to mark out who are genuine Indian citizens and leave out those who would have migrated illegally. Assam was the first state this policy was implemented in. The costs were huge, and many had to face untold difficulties throughout the cumbersome and unfair process, many ending up in detention camps till their citizenship could be proven. At the end of the process, 2 million people were driven off the citizenship roster. Ultimately, only a few thousand so called ‘illegal immigrants’ were unearthed from the process, and their citizenship is now in doubt. Assamese society was polarized and broken at the end, and the economic effects of this disruption would be felt for years to come.

    Many believe the BJP pushed the Citizenship’ Amendment Act to correct an awkward political situation for the BJP in Assam, where most of those who were left out of the citizenship list were in fact Hindus, puncturing the false narrative of so-called ‘infiltrators’ coming from Bangladesh as illegal immigrants to change the religious make up of the state to make it muslim majority. The people of the state felt cheated by the BJP and naturally began a huge protest. The protests in Assam however, were opposed to granting citizenship to anyone found to have come in illegally, and believe that it was against the Assam Accords signed in 1985 which allowed certain concessions to the autonomy of indigenous groups over their own land. Part of the accord was to prevent illegal immigration. The protests in Assam were among the largest and most impactful against the new citizenship Act, the government responded with heavy handed measures including widespread censorship. Indians still have no idea what is truly happening within Assam. Reporters who have gone in cannot communicate freely from Assam. The whole state remains on lockdown, the situation has not yet changed.

    The protests which started in Assam, soon spread throughout the country. Universities and colleges had become epicenters of protests. The most radical protests took place in Northern India, around the Jawahar Lal Nehru University and Jamia University. The government of course responded to these protests in a heavy handed manner, allowing the police to go on a rampage in Jamia and use force to curb the protests. The scenes of police raiding class rooms and injuring students protesting peacefully, rocked the country and charged much of the youth into action. There was near universal condemnation from every section of society. It was not long before there were protests in universities and colleges across India, all this while Assam remained shut down by a panicking reactionary government.

    Many of the initial protests were led by the mainstream bourgeois parties, however spontaneous protests broke out which did not carry any party banner. In many ways, the two epicenters of this movement are around Delhi and Assam. Shaheen Bagh in Delhi has become the most iconic of these for here the protestors are on an indefinite sit in protest led largely by women. Other metropolitan cities in Eastern and Western India too have seen similar protests. Calcutta and Bombay have their own protests modelled on Shaheen Bagh in delhi.

    On the 8th of January, the protests expanded with a general strike called by trade unions which saw up to two hundred and fifty million workers go on strike in solidarity with the protestors, and opposing the privatizations and attempted attacks against worker’s social security.

    Conclusions :

    In 2011 I had written that India is in a pre-revolutionary situation, after 9 years, India is still caught in a pre-revolutionary situation. Political dynamics are fluid and extreme, and established forces continue to lose ground while reactionaries’ victory remains on shaky ground. While electoral dynamics continue to be plagued by money and establishment politicking, the struggle of the working masses continues on its own pace unabated.

    Despite reactionary attacks against the working class, their power has not yet been completely broken. Trade unions, though trapped within their own limitations, remain an organ of struggle for the working class. The political leadership, particularly the Stalinist parties, remain a party of the working class, but hobbled by their own bureaucracy and counter-revolutionary identity, the best one can expect from them is to wage limited defensive struggles and trail the mainstream bourgeois parties.

    The rise of the BJP has put the Hindutva agenda on the centre stage, while removing the Congress Party as the preferred choice of the Indian bourgeoisie. There is no clearer indicator of this fact than the Tatas emerging as the largest contributor to the BJP’s electoral bonds. Those building a revolutionary movement must be mindful of these political changes. With the end of the Congress era, we are entering a reactionary period of Indian history, where even the token concession to secularism is being whittled away.

    As we have seen in the preceding term of the BJP, their reactionary attacks do not go unanswered, however no amount of electoral defeat at the local level seems to end them. The BJP has quite possibly done irreversible damage to the social and legal structure of the Indian republic. Even with a Congress re-election in 2024, it is unlikely there will be much serious reversal. The questions put forward now, need us to peer into the very core of social contradictions present in India and bring out a solution, which can only be found in a Socialist revolution. The need for a revolutionary struggle is felt more strongly than ever. Yet, a revolutionary leadership remains conspicuous by its absence.

    DOWN WITH MODI ! DOWN WITH BJP !
    LONG LIVE THE INDIAN WORKING CLASS ! DOWN WITH THE TATAS, BIRLAS, AMBANIS!

    FOR A SECULAR SOCIALIST INDIA AND A SECULAR SOCIALIST SOUTH ASIA!

    REPEAL THE CITIZENSHIP AMENDMENT ACT ! NO TO NATIONAL CITIZENS REGISTER- CAA !

    BUILD THE REVOLUTIONARY PARTY ! INQUILAB ZINDABAD !

    Explanatory note:


    1) FTII – Film and television institute of India :  It is one of the premier institutes for learning mass media, and film making in India and it is located in Pune. The protests in 2015 were part of a wave of student protests throughout the country, and marks a point of radicalization of the students of india.
    2) BJP – Bharatiya Janata Party : The name literally translates to Indian People’s Party and is the largest right wing party in India and presently one of the largest political parties in the world.
    3) RSS – Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh : The name translates to national volunteer’s organization. It is a large non-governmental organization which pursues a Hindutva agenda and is the mother organization behind the BJP . It leads what is known as the ‘Sangh parivar’ an umbrella group for many other right wing Hindutva organizations. The organization has an armed wing and trains its cadre in combat which has led some to characterize it as a paramilitary force.
    4) PF – Provident Fund : In india, the Provident Fund is a retirement fund created by contributions from employees and employers, separate from pensions, throughout their employment. Provident Fund enables employees to contribute a part of their savings each month towards their pension fund. Over time, this amount gets accrued and can be accessed as a lump sum amount, at the end of their employment or at retirement. The Provident Fund money is a huge amount that helps you grow your retirement corpus.

  • Malcolm X on film: ‘By Any Means Necessary’

    Malcolm X Shown with a Clenched Fist Speaking at a Rally

    By Any Means Necessary by Malcolm X

    (video excerpt attached from Youtube)
    Introduction: In the last year of Malcolm’s life his political views evolved in an internationalist and anti-capitalist direction — an evolution that was cut short by assassins’ bullets.  In this speech, given at the founding meeting of the Organization of Afro-American Unity (OAAU), Malcolm lays out some of the ways his thinking had changed as well as the continuity of his thought with his Black Nationalist outlook. This speech explains in detail the program of the OAAU.
    “We want freedom by any means necessary. We want justice by any means necessary. We want equality by any means necessary. We don’t feel that in 1964, living in a country that is supposedly based upon freedom, and supposedly the leader of the free world, we don’t think that we should have to sit around and wait for some segregationist congressmen and senators and a President from Texas in Washington, D. C., to make up their minds that our people are due now some degree of civil rights. No, we want it now or we don’t think anybody should have it.”

    Asalaam Alaikum, Mr. Moderator, our distinguished guests, brothers and sisters, our friends and our enemies, everybody is here.

    As many of you know, last March when it was announced that I was no longer in the Black Muslim movement, it was pointed out that it was my intention to work among the 22 million non-Muslim Afro-Americans and to try and form some type of organization, or create a situation where the young people, our young people, the students and others, could study the problems of our people for a period of time and then come up with a new analysis and give us some new ideas and some new suggestions as to how to approach a problem that too many other people have been playing around with for too long. And that we would have some kind of meeting and determine at a later date whether to form a black nationalist party or a black nationalist army.

    There have been many of our people across the country from all walks of life who have taken it upon themselves to try and pool their ideas and to come up with some kind of solution to the problem that confronts all of our people. And tonight we are here to try and get an understanding of what it is they’ve come up with.

    Also, recently when I was blessed to make a trip, or religious pilgrimage to the holy city of Mecca where I met many people from all over the world, plus spent many weeks in Africa trying to broaden my own scope and get more of an open mind to look at the problem as it actually is, one of the things that I realized, and I realized this even before going over there, was that our African brothers have gained their independence faster than you and I here in America have. They’ve also gained recognition and respect as human beings much faster than you and I.

    Just ten years ago on the African continent, our people were colonized. They were suffering all forms of colonization, oppression, exploitation, degradation, humiliation, discrimination, and every other kind of -ation. And in a short time, they have gained more independence, more recognition, more respect as human beings than you and I have. And you and I live in a country which is supposed to be the citadel of education, freedom, justice, democracy, and all of those other pretty-sounding words.

    So it was our intention to try and find out what it was our African brothers were doing to get results, so that you and I could study what they had done and perhaps gain from that study or benefit from their experiences. And my traveling over there was designed to help to find out how.

    One of the first things that the independent African nations did was to form an organization called the Organization of African Unity. This organization consists of all independent African states who have reached the agreement to submerge all differences and combine their efforts toward eliminating from the continent of Africa colonialism and all vestiges of oppression and exploitation being suffered by African people. Those who formed the organization of African states have differences. They represent probably every segment, every type of thinking. You have some leaders that are considered Uncle Toms, some leaders who are considered very militant. But even the militant African leaders were able to sit down at the same table with African leaders whom they considered to be Toms, or Tshombes, or that type of character. They forgot their differences for the sole purpose of bringing benefits to the whole. And whenever you find people who can’t forget their differences, then they’re more interested in their personal aims and objectives than they are in the conditions of the whole.

    Well, the African leaders showed their maturity by doing what the American white man said couldn’t be done. Because if you recall when it was mentioned that these African states were going to meet in Addis Ababa, all of the Western press began to spread the propaganda that they didn’t have enough in common to come together and to sit down together. Why, they had Nkrumah there, one of the most militant of the African leaders, and they had Adoula from the Congo. They had Nyerere there, they had Ben Bella there, they had Nasser there, they had Sekou Toure, they had Obote; they had Kenyatta, guess Kenyatta was there, I can’t remember whether Kenya was independent at that time, but I think he was there.

    Everyone was there and despite their differences, they were able to sit down and form what was known as the Organization of African Unity, which has formed a coalition and is working in conjunction with each other to fight a common enemy.

    Once we saw what they were able to do, we determined to try and do the same thing here in America among Afro-Americans who have been divided by our enemies. So we have formed an organization known as the Organization of Afro-American Unity which has the same aim and objective: to fight whoever gets in our way, to bring about the complete independence of people of African descent here in the Western Hemisphere, and first here in the United States, and bring about the freedom of these people by any means necessary.

    That’s our motto. We want freedom by any means necessary. We want justice by any means necessary. We want equality by any means necessary. We don’t feel that in 1964, living in a country that is supposedly based upon freedom, and supposedly the leader of the free world, we don’t think that we should have to sit around and wait for some segregationist congressmen and senators and a President from Texas in Washington, D.C., to make up their minds that our people are due now some degree of civil rights. No, we want it now or we don’t think anybody should have it.

    The purpose of our organization is to start right here in Harlem, which has the largest concentration of people of African descent that exists anywhere on this earth. There are more Africans in Harlem than exist in any city on the African continent. Because that’s what you and I are, Africans. You catch any white man off guard in here right now, you catch him off guard and ask him what he is, he doesn’t say he’s an American. He either tells you he’s Irish, or he’s Italian, or he’s German, if you catch him off guard and he doesn’t know what you’re up to. And even though he was born here, he’ll tell you he’s Italian. Well, if he’s Italian, you and I are African even though we were born here.

    So we start in New York City first. We start in Harlem and by Harlem we mean Bedford-Stuyvesant—any place in this area where you and I live, that’s Harlem—with the intention of spreading throughout the state, and from the state throughout the country, and from the country throughout the Western Hemisphere. Because when we say Afro-American, we include everyone in the Western Hemisphere of African descent. South America is America. Central America is America. South America has many people in it of African descent. And everyone in South America of African descent is an Afro-American. Everyone in the Caribbean, whether it’s the West Indies or Cuba or Mexico, if they have African blood, they are Afro-Americans. If they’re in Canada and they have African blood, they’re Afro-Americans. If they’re in Alaska, though they might call themselves Eskimos, if they have African blood, they’re Afro-Americans.

    So the purpose of the Organization of Afro-American Unity is to unite everyone in the Western Hemisphere of African descent into one united force. And then, once we are united among ourselves in the Western Hemisphere, we will unite with our brothers on the motherland, on the continent of Africa. So to get right with it, I would like to read you the “Basic Aims and Objectives of the Organization of Afro-American Unity, started here in New York, June, 1964:

    The Organization of Afro-American Unity, organized and structured by a cross section of the Afro-American people living in the United States of America, has been patterned after the letter and spirit of the Organization of African Unity which was established at Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, in May of 1963.

    We, the members of the Organization of Afro- Arnerican Unity, gathered together in Harlem, New York:

    Convinced that it is the inalienable right of all our people to control our own destiny;
 Conscious of the fact that freedom, equality, justice and dignity are central objectives for the achievement of the legitimate aspirations of the people of African descent here in the Western Hemisphere, we will endeavor to build a bridge of understanding and create the basis for Afro-American unity;

    Conscious of our responsibility to harness the natural and human resources of our people for their total advancement in all spheres of human endeavor;

    Inspired by our common determination to promote understanding among our people and cooperation in all matters pertaining to their survival and advancement, we will support the aspirations of our people for brotherhood and solidarity in a larger unity transcending all organizational differences;

    Convinced that, in order to translate this determination into a dynamic force in the cause of human progress conditions of peace and security must be established and maintained;

    And by conditions of peace and security, we mean we have to eliminate the barking of the police dogs, we have to eliminate the police clubs, we have to eliminate the water hoses, we have to eliminate all of these things that have become so characteristic of the American so-called dream.

    These have to be eliminated. Then we will be living in a condition of peace and security. We can never have peace and security as long as one black man in this country is being bitten by a police dog. No one in the country has peace and security.

    Dedicated to the unification of all people of African descent in this hemisphere and to the utilization of that unity to bring into being the organizational structure that will project the black people’s contributions to the world;

    Persuaded that the Charter of the United Nations, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Constitution of the United States and the Bill of Rights are the principles in which we believe and that these documents if put into practice represent the essence of mankind’s hopes and good intentions;
    Desirous that all Afro-American people and organizations should henceforth unite so that the welfare and well-being of our people will be assured;

    We are resolved to reinforce the common bond of purpose between our people by submerging all of our differences and establishing a nonsectarian, constructive program for human rights;
    We hereby present this charter.

    I. Establishment.

    The Organization of Afro-Arnerican Unity shall include all people of African descent in the Western Hemisphere, as well as our brothers and sisters on the African continent.

    Which means anyone of African descent, with African blood, can become a member of the Organization of Afro-American Unity and also any one of our brothers and sisters from the African continent. Because not only it is an organization of Afro-American unity meaning that we are trying to unite our people in the West but it’s an organization of Afro-American unity in the sense that we want to unite all of our people who are in North America, South America, and Central America with our people on the African continent. We must unite together in order to go forward together. Africa will not go forward any faster than we will and we will not go forward any faster than Africa will. We have one destiny and we’ve had one past.

    In essence what it is saying is instead of you and me running around here seeking allies in our struggle for freedom in the Irish neighborhood or the Jewish neighborhood or the Italian neighborhood, we need to seek some allies among people who look something like we do. It’s time now for you and me to stop running away from the wolf right into the arms of the fox, looking for some kind of help. That’s a drag.

    II. Self Defense.

    Since self-preservation is the first law of nature, we assert the Afro-American’s right to self-defense.

    The Constitution of the United States of America clearly affirms the right of every American citizen to bear arms. And as Americans, we will not give up a single right guaranteed under the Constitution. The history of unpunished violence against our people clearly indicates that we must be prepared to defend ourselves or we will continue to be a defenseless people at the mercy of a ruthless and violent racist mob.

    We assert that in those areas where the government is either unable or unwilling to protect the lives and property of our people, that our people are within our rights to protect themselves by whatever means necessary.

    I repeat, because to me this is the most important thing you need to know. I already know it.

    We assert that in those areas where the government is either unable or unwilling to protect the lives and property of our people, that our people are within our rights to protect themselves by whatever means necessary.

    This is the thing you need to spread the word about among our people wherever you go. Never let them be brainwashed into thinking that whenever they take steps to see that they’re in a position to defend themselves that they’re being unlawful. The only time you’re being unlawful is when you break the law. It’s lawful to have something to defend yourself. Why, I heard President Johnson either today or yesterday, I guess it was today, talking about how quick this country would go to war to defend itself. Why, what kind of a fool do you look like, living in a country that will go to war at the drop of a hat to defend itself, and here you’ve got to stand up in the face of vicious police dogs and blue-eyed crackers waiting for somebody to tell you what to do to defend yourself!

    Those days are over, they’re gone, that’s yesterday. The time for you and me to allow ourselves to be brutalized nonviolently is passe. Be nonviolent only with those who are nonviolent to you. And when you can bring me a nonviolent racist, bring me a nonviolent segregationist, then I’ll get nonviolent. But don’t teach me to be nonviolent until you teach some of those crackers to be nonviolent. You’ve never seen a nonviolent cracker. It’s hard for a racist to be nonviolent. It’s hard for anyone intelligent to be nonviolent. Everything in the universe does something when you start playing with his life, except the American Negro. He lays down and says, “Beat me, daddy.”

    So it says here: “A man with a rifle or a club can only be stopped by a person who defends himself with a rifle or a club.” That’s equality. If you have a dog, I must have a dog. If you have a rifle, I must have a rifle. If you have a club, I must have a club. This is equality. If the United States government doesn’t want you and me to get rifles, then take the rifles away from those racists. If they don’t want you and me to use clubs, take the clubs away from the racists. lf they don’t want you and me to get violent, then stop the racists from being violent. Don’t teach us nonviolence while those crackers are violent. Those days are over.

    Tactics based solely on morality can only succeed when you are dealing with people who are moral or a system that is moral. A man or system which oppresses a man because of his color is not moral. It is the duty of every Afro-American person and every Afro-American community throughout this country to protect its people against mass murderers, against bombers, against Iynchers, against floggers, against brutalizers and against exploiters.

    I might say right here that instead of the various black groups declaring war on each other, showing how militant they can be cracking each other’s heads, let them go down South and crack some of those crackers’ heads. Any group of people in this country that has a record of having been attacked by racists and there’s no record where they have ever given the signal to take the heads of some of those racists why, they are insane giving the signal to take the heads of some of their ex-brothers. Or brother X’s, I don’t know how you put that.

    III. Education.

    Education is an important element in the struggle for human rights. It is the means to help our children and our people rediscover their identity and thereby increase their self-respect. Education is our passport to the future, for tomorrow belongs only to the people who prepare for it today.

    And I must point out right there, when I was in Africa, I met no African who wasn’t standing with open arms to embrace any Afro-American who returned to the African continent. But one of the things that all of them have said is that every one of our people in this country should take advantage of every type of educational opportunity available before you even think about talking about the future. If you’re surrounded by schools, go to that school.

    Our children are being criminally shortchanged in the public school system of America. The Afro-American schools are the poorest-run schools in the city of New York. Principals and teachers fail to understand the nature of the problems with which they work and as a result they cannot do the job of teaching our children.

    They don’t understand us, nor do they understand our problems; they don’t. The textbooks tell our children nothing about the great contributions of Afro-Americans to the growth and development of this country.

    And they don’t. When we send our children to school in this country they learn nothing about us other than that we used to be cotton pickers. Every little child going to school thinks his grandfather was a cotton picker. Why, your grandfather was Nat Turner; your grandfather was Toussaint L’Ouverture; your grandfather was Hannibal. Your grandfather was some of the greatest black people who walked on this earth. It was your grandfather’s hands who forged civilization and it was your grandmother’s hands who rocked the cradle of civilization But the textbooks tell our children nothing about the great contributions of Afro-Americans to the growth and development of this country.

    The Board of Education’s integration plan is expensive and unworkable; and the organization of principals and supervisors in New York City’s school system has refused to support the Board’s plan to integrate the schools, thus dooming it to failure before it even starts.

    The Board of Education of this city has said that even with its plan there are 10 percent of the schools in Harlem and the Bedford-Stuyvesant community in Brooklyn that they cannot improve. So what are we to do ?

    This means that the Organization of Afro-Arnerican Unity must make the Afro-American community a more potent force for educational self-improvement.

    A first step in the program to end the existing system of racist education is to demand that the 10 percent of the schools the Board of Education will not include in its plan be turned over to and run by the Afro-American community itself.

    Since they say that they can’t improve these schools, why should you and I who live in the community, let these fools continue to run and produce this low standard of education? So, let them turn those schools over to us. Since they say they can’t handle them, nor can they correct them, let us take a whack at it.

    What do we want? We want Afro-American principals to head these schools. We want Afro-American teachers in these schools. Meaning we want black principals and black teachers with some textbooks about black people.

    We want textbooks written by Afro-Americans that are acceptable to our people before they can be used in these schools.

    The Organization of Afro-American Unity will select and recommend people to serve on local school boards where school policy is made and passed on to the Board of Education. And this is very important.

    Through these steps we will make the 10 percent of the schools that we take over educational showplaces that will attract the attention of people from all over the nation. Instead of them being schools turning out pupils whose academic diet is not complete, we can turn them into examples of what we can do ourselves once given an opportunity.

    If these proposals are not met, we will ask Afro-American parents to keep their children out of the present inferior schools they attend. And when these schools in our neighborhood are controlled by Afro-Americans, we will then return our children to them.

    The Organization of Afro-American Unity recognizes the tremendous importance of the complete involvement of Afro-American parents in every phase of school life. The Afro-American parent must be willing and able to go into the schools and see that the job of educating our children is done properly.

    This whole thing about putting all of the blame on the teacher is out the window. The parent at home has just as much responsibility to see that what’s going on in that school is up to par as the teacher in their schools. So it is our intention not only to devise an education program for the children, but one also for the parents to make them aware of their responsibility where education is concerned in regard to their children.

    We call on all Afro-Americans around the nation to be aware that the conditions that exist in the New York City public school system are as deplorable in their cities as they are here. We must unite our efforts and spread our program of self-improvement through education to every Afro-American community in America.

    We must establish all over the country schools of our own to train our own children to become scientists, to become mathematicians. We must realize the need for adult education and for job retraining programs that will emphasize a changing society in which automation plays the key role. We intend to use the tools of education to help raise our people to an unprecedented level of excellence and self-respect through their own efforts.

    IV. Politics and Economics.

    And the two are almost inseparable, because the politician is depending on some money; yes, that’s what he’s depending on.

    Basically, there are two kinds of power that count in America: economic power and political power, with social power being derived from those two. In order for the Afro-Americans to control their destiny, they must be able to control and affect the decisions which control their destiny: economic, political, and social. This can only be done through organization. 
The Organization of Afro-American Unity will organize the Afro-American community block by block to make the community aware of its power and its potential; we will start immediately a voter registration drive to make every unregistered voter in the Afro-American community an independent voter.

    We won’t organize any black man to be a Democrat or a Republican because both of them have sold us out. Both of them have sold us out; both parties have sold us out. Both parties are racist, and the Democratic Party is more racist than the Republican Party. I can prove it. All you’ve got to do is name everybody who’s running the government in Washington, D.C., right now. He’s a Democrat and he’s from either Georgia, Alabama, Texas, Mississippi, Florida, South Carolina, North Carolina, from one of those cracker states. And they’ve got more power than any white man in the North has. In fact, the President is from a cracker state. What’s he talking about? Texas is a cracker state, in fact, they’ll hang you quicker in Texas than they will in Mississippi. Don’t you ever think that just because a cracker becomes president he ceases being a cracker. He was a cracker before he became president and he’s a cracker while he’s president. I’m going to tell it like it is. I hope you can take it like it is. We propose to support and organize political clubs, to run independent candidates for office, and to support any Afro-American already in office who answers to and is responsible to the Afro-American community.

    We don’t support any black man who is controlled by the white power structure. We will start not only a voter registration drive, but a voter education drive to let our people have an understanding of the science of politics so they will be able to see what part the politician plays in the scheme of things; so they will be able to understand when the politician is doing his job and when he is not doing his job. And any time the politician is not doing his job, we remove him whether he’s white, black, green, blue, yellow or whatever other color they might invent.

    The economic exploitation in the Afro-American community is the most vicious form practiced on any people in America. In fact, it is the most vicious practiced on any people on this earth. No one is exploited economically as thoroughly as you and I, because in most countries where people are exploited they know it. You and I are in this country being exploited and sometimes we don’t know it.

    Twice as much rent is paid for rat-infested, roach-crawling, rotting tenements. This is true. It costs us more to live in Harlem than it costs them to live on Park Avenue. Do you know that the rent is higher on Park Avenue in Harlem than it is on Park Avenue downtown? And in Harlem you have everything else in that apartment with you—roaches, rats, cats, dogs, and some other outsiders—disguised as landlords.

    The Afro-American pays more for food, pays more for clothing, pays more for insurance than anybody else. And we do. It costs you and me more for insurance than it does the white man in the Bronx or somewhere else. It costs you and me more for food than it does them. It costs you and me more to live in America than it does anybody else, and yet we make the greatest contribution.

    You tell me what kind of country this is. Why should we do the dirtiest jobs for the lowest pay? Why should we do the hardest work for the lowest pay? What should we pay the most money for the worst kind of food and the most money for the worst kind of place to live in? I’m telling you we do it because we live in one of the rottenest countries that has ever existed on this earth. It’s the system that is rotten; we have a rotten system. It’s a system of exploitation, a political and economic system of exploitation, of outright humiliation, degradation, discrimination—all of the negative things that you can run into, you have run into under this system that disguises itself as a democracy, disguises itself as a democracy. And the things that they practice against you and me are worse than some of the things that they practiced in Germany against the Jews. Worse than some of the things that the Jews ran into. And you run around here getting ready to get drafted and go someplace and defend it. Someone needs to crack you upside your head.

    The Organization of Afro-American Unity will wage an unrelenting struggle against these evils in our community. There shall be organizers to work with our people to solve these problems, and start a housing self-improvement program.

    Instead of waiting for the white man to come and straighten out our neighborhood, we’ll straighten it out ourselves. This is where you make your mistake. An outsider can’t clean up your house as well as you can. An outsider can’t take care of your children as well as you can. An outsider can’t look after your needs as well as you can. And an outsider can’t understand your problems as well as you can. Yet you’re looking for an outsider to do it. We will do it or it will never get done.

    “We propose to support rent strikes. Yes, not little, small rent strikes in one block We’ll make Harlem a rent strike. We’ll get every black man in this city…the Organization of Afro-American Unity won’t stop until there’s not a black man in the city not on strike. Nobody will pay any rent. The whole city will come to a halt. And they can’t put all of us in jail because they’ve already got the jails full of us.

    Concerning our social needs—I hope I’m not frightening anyone. I should stop right here and tell you if you’re the type of person who frights, who gets scared, you should never come around us. Because we’ll scare you to death. And you don’t have far to go because you’re half dead already. Economically you’re dead—dead broke. Just got paid yesterday and dead broke right now.

    V. Social.

    This organization is responsible only to the Afro-American people and the Afro-American community.

    This organization is not responsible to anybody but us. We don’t have to ask the man downtown can we demonstrate. We don’t have to ask the man downtown what tactics we can use to demonstrate our resentment against his criminal abuse. We don’t have to ask his consent; we don’t have to ask his endorsement; we don’t have to ask his permission. Anytime we know that an unjust condition exists and it is illegal and unjust, we will strike at it by any means necessary. And strike also at whatever and whoever gets in the way.

    This organization is responsible only to the Afro-American people and community and will function only with their support, both financially and numerically. We believe that our communities must be the sources of their own strength politically, economically, intellectually, and culturally in the struggle for human rights and human dignity.

    The community must reinforce its moral responsibility to rid itself of the effects of years of exploitation, neglect, and apathy, and wage an unrelenting struggle against police brutality.
    Yes, there are some good policemen and some bad policemen. Usually we get the bad ones. With all the police in Harlem, there is too much crime, too much drug addiction, too much alcoholism, too much prostitution, too much gambling.

    So it makes us suspicious about the motives of Commissioner Murphy when he sends all these policemen up here. We begin to think that they are just his errand boys, whose job it is to pick up the graft and take it back downtown to Murphy. Anytime there’s a police commissioner who finds it necessary to increase the strength numerically of the policemen in Harlem and, at the same time, we don’t see any sign of a decrease in crime, why, I think we’re justified in suspecting his motives. He can’t be sending them up here to fight crime, because crime is on the increase. The more cops we have, the more crime we have. We begin to think that they bring some of the crime with them.

    So our purpose is to organize the community so that we ourselves—since the police can’t eliminate the drug traffic, we have to eliminate it. Since the police can’t eliminate organized gambling, we have to eliminate it. Since the police can’t eliminate organized prostitution and all of these evils that are destroying the moral fiber of our community, it is up to you and me to eliminate these evils ourselves. But in many instances, when you unite in this country or in this city to fight organized crime, you’ll find yourselves fighting the police department itself because they are involved in the organized crime. Wherever you have organized crime, that type of crime cannot exist other than with the consent of the police, the knowledge of the police and the cooperation of the police.

    You’ll agree that you can’t run a number in your neighborhood without the police knowing it. A prostitute can’t turn a trick on the block without the police knowing it. A man can’t push drugs anywhere along the avenue without the police knowing it. And they pay the police off so that they will not get arrested. I know what I’m talking about—I used to be out there. And I know you can’t hustle out there without police setting you up. You have to pay them off.

    The police are all right. I say there’s some good ones and some bad ones. But they usually send the bad ones to Harlem. Since these bad police have come to Harlem and have not decreased the high rate of crime, I tell you brothers and sisters it is time for you and me to organize and eliminate these evils ourselves, or we’ll be out of the world backwards before we even know where the world was.

    Drug addiction turns your little sister into a prostitute before she gets into her teens; makes a criminal out of your little brother before he gets in his teens—drug addiction and alcoholism. And if you and I aren’t men enough to get at the root of these things, then we don’t even have the right to walk around here complaining about it in any form whatsoever. The police will not eliminate it.

    Our community must reinforce its moral responsibility to rid itself of the effects of years of exploitation, neglect, and apathy, and wage an unrelenting struggle against police brutality.

    Where this police brutality also comes in—the new law that they just passed, the no-knock law, the stop-and-frisk law, that’s an anti-Negro law. That’s a law that was passed and signed by Rockefeller.

    Rockefeller with his old smile always he has a greasy smile on his face and he’s shaking hands with Negroes, like he’s the Negro’s pappy or granddaddy or great-uncle. Yet when it comes to passing a law that is worse than any law that they had in Nazi Germany, why, Rockefeller couldn’t wait till he got his signature on it. And the only thing this law is designed to do is make legal what they’ve been doing all the time.

    They’ve passed a law that gives them the right to knock down your door without even knocking on it. Knock it down and come on in and bust your head and frame you up under the disguise that they suspect you of something. Why, brothers, they didn’t have laws that bad in Nazi Germany. And it was passed for you and me, it’s an anti-Negro law, because you’ve got an anti-Negro governor sitting up there in Albany—I started to say Albany, Georgia—in Albany, New York. Not too much difference. Not too much difference between Albany, New York and Albany, Georgia. And there’s not too much difference between the government that’s in Albany, New York and the government in Albany, Georgia.

    The Afro-American community must accept the responsibility for regaining our people who have lost their place in society. We must declare an all-out war on organized crime in our community; a vice that is controlled by policemen who accept bribes and graft must be exposed. We must establish a clinic, whereby one can get aid and cure for drug addiction.

    This is absolutely necessary. When a person is a drug addict, he’s not the criminal; he’s a victim of the criminal. The criminal is the man downtown who brings this drug into the country. Negroes can’t bring drugs into this country. You don’t have any boats. You don’t have any airplanes. You don’t have any diplomatic immunity. It is not you who is responsible for bringing in drugs. You’re just a little tool that is used by the man downtown. The man that controls the drug traffic sits in city hall or he sits in the state house. Big shots who are respected, who function in high circles—those are the ones who control these things. And you and I will never strike at the root of it until we strike at the man downtown.

    We must create meaningful creative, useful activities for those who were led astray down the avenues of vice.

    The people of the Afro-American community must be prepared to help each other in all ways possible; we must establish a place where unwed mothers can get help and advice.

    We must set up a guardian system that will help our youth who get into trouble. Too many of our children get into trouble accidentally. And once they get into trouble, because they have no one to look out for them, they’re put in some of these homes where others who are experienced at getting in trouble are. And immediately it’s a bad influence on them and they never have a chance to straighten out their lives. Too many of our children have their entire lives destroyed in this manner. It is up to you and me right now to form the type of organizations wherein we can look out for the needs of all of these young people who get into trouble, especially those who get into trouble for the first time, so that we can do something to steer them back on the right path before they go too far astray.

    And we must provide constructive activities for our own children. We must set a good example for our children and must teach them to always be ready to accept the responsibilities that are necessary for building good communities and nations. We must teach them that their greatest responsibilities are to themselves, to their families and to their communities.

    The Organization of Afro-American Unity believes that the Afro-American community must endeavor to do the major part of all charity work from within the community. Charity, however, does not mean that to which we are legally entitled in the form of government benefits. The Afro-American veteran must be made aware of all the benefits due to him and the procedure for obtaining them.

    Many of our people have sacrificed their lives on the battlefront for this country. There are many government benefits that our people don’t even know about. Many of them are qualified to receive aid in all forms, but they don’t even know it. But we know this, so it is our duty, those of us who know it, to set up a system wherein our people who are not informed of what is coming to them, we inform them, we let them know how they can lay claim to everything that they’ve got coming to them from this government. And I mean you’ve got much coming to you. The veterans must be encouraged to go into business together, using GI loans and all other items that we have access to or have available to us.

    Afro-Americans must unite and work together. We must take pride in the Afro-American community, for it is our home and it is our power the base of our power.

    What we do here in regaining our self-respect, our manhood, our dignity and freedom helps all people everywhere who are also fighting against oppression.

    Lastly, concerning culture and the cultural aspect of the Organization of Afro-American Unity. A race of people is like an individual man; until it uses its own talent, takes pride in its own history, expresses its own culture, affirms its own selfhood, it can never fulfill itself.

    Our history and our culture were completely destroyed when we were forcibly brought to America in chains. And now it is important for us to know that our history did not begin with slavery. We came from Africa, a great continent, wherein live a proud and varied people, a land which is the new world and was the cradle of civilization. Our culture and our history are as old as man himself and yet we know almost nothing about it.

    This is no accident. It is no accident that such a high state of culture existed in Africa and you and I know nothing about it. Why, the man knew that as long as you and I thought we were somebody, he could never treat us like we were nobody. So he had to invent a system that would strip us of everything about us that we could use to prove we were somebody. And once he had stripped us of all human characteristics—stripped us of our language, stripped us of our history, stripped us of all cultural knowledge, and brought us down to the level of an animal—he then began to treat us like an animal selling us from one plantation to another, selling us from one owner to another, breeding us like you breed cattle.

    Why, brothers and sisters, when you wake up and find out what this man here has done to you and me, you won’t even wait for somebody to give the word. I’m not saying all of them are bad. There might be some good ones. But we don’t have time to look for them. Not nowadays.

    We must recapture our heritage and our identity if we are ever to liberate ourselves from the bonds of white supremacy. We must launch a cultural revolution to un-brainwash an entire people.

    A cultural revolution. Why, brothers, that’s a crazy revolution. When you tell this black man in America who he is, where he came from, what he had when he was there, he’ll look around and ask himself “Well what happened to it, who took it away from us and how did they do it?” Why, brothers, you’ll have some action just like that. When you let the black man in America know where he once was and what he once had, why, he only needs to look at himself now to realize something criminal was done to him to bring him down to the low condition that he’s in today.

    Once he realizes what was done, how it was done, where it was done, when it was done, and who did it, that knowledge in itself will usher in your action program. And it will be by any means necessary. A man doesn’t know how to act until he realizes what he’s acting against. And you don’t realize what you’re acting against until you realize what they did to you. Too many of you don’t know what they did to you, and this is what makes you so quick to want to forget and forgive. No, brothers, when you see what has happened to you, you will never forget and you’ll never forgive. And, as I say, all of them might not be guilty. But most of them are. Most of them are.

    Our cultural revolution must be the means of bringing us closer to our African brothers and sisters. It must begin in the community and be based on community participation. Afro-Americans will be free to create only when they can depend on the Afro-American community for support, and Afro-American artists must realize that they depend on the Afro-American community for inspiration.

    Our artists—we have artists who are geniuses; they don’t have to act the Stepin Fetchit role. But as long as they’re looking for white support instead of black support, they’ve got to act like the old white supporter wants them to. When you and I begin to support the black artists, then the black artists can play that black role. As long as the black artist has to sing and dance to please the white man, he’ll be a clown, he’ll be clowning, just another clown. But when he can sing and dance to please black men, he sings a different song and he dances a different step. When we get together, we’ve got a step all our own. We have a step that nobody can do but us, because we have a reason for doing it that nobody can understand but us.

    We must work toward the establishment of a cultural center in Harlem, which will include people of all ages and will conduct workshops in all of the arts, such as film, creative writing, painting, theater, music, and the entire spectrum of Afro-American history.

    This cultural revolution will be the journey to our rediscovery of ourselves. History is a people’s memory, and without a memory man is demoted to the level of the lower animals.

    When you have no knowledge of your history, you’re just another animal; in fact, you’re a Negro; something that’s nothing. The only black man on earth who is called a Negro is one who has no knowledge of his history. The only black man on earth who is called a Negro is one who doesn’t know where he came from. That’s the one in America. They don’t call Africans Negroes.

    Why, I had a white man tell me the other day, “He’s not a Negro.” Here the man was black as night, and the white man told me, “He’s not a Negro, he’s an African. I said, Well listen to him. I knew he wasn’t, but I wanted to pull old whitey out, you know. But it shows you that they know this. You are Negro because you don’t know who you are, you don’t know what you are, you don’t know where you are, and you don’t know how you got here. But as soon as you wake up and find out the positive answer to all these things, you cease being a Negro. You become somebody.

    Armed with the knowledge of our past, we can with confidence charter a course for our future. Culture is an indispensable weapon in the freedom struggle. We must take hold of it and forge the future with the past.

    And to quote a passage from Then We Heard the Thunder by John Killens, it says: “He was a dedicated patriot: Dignity was his country, Manhood was his government, and Freedom was his land.” Old John Killens.

    This is our aim. It’s rough, we have to smooth it up some. But we’re not trying to put something together that’s smooth. We don’t care how rough it is. We don’t care how tough it is. We don’t care how backward it may sound. In essence it only means we want one thing. We declare our right on this earth to be a man, to be a human being, to be respected as a human being, to be given the rights of a human being in this society, on this earth, in this day, which we intend to bring into existence by any means necessary.

    I’m sorry I took so long. But before we go farther to tell you how you can join this organization, what your duties and responsibilities are, I want to turn you back into the hands of our master of ceremonies, Brother Les Edmonds.

    [A collection is taken. Malcolm resumes speaking.]

    One of the first steps we are going to become involved in as an Organization of Afro-American Unity will be to work with every leader and other organization in this country interested in a program designed to bring your and my problem before the United Nations. This is our first point of business. We feel that the problem of the black man in this country is beyond the ability of Uncle Sam to solve it. It’s beyond the ability of the United States government to solve it. The government itself isn’t capable of even hearing our problem, much less solving it. It’s not morally equipped to solve it.

    So we must take it out of the hands of the United States government. And the only way we can do this is by internationalizing it and taking advantage of the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights, the United Nations Charter on Human Rights, and on that ground bring it into the UN before a world body wherein we can indict Uncle Sam for the continued criminal injustices that our people experience in this government.

    To do this, we will have to work with many organizations and many people. We’ve already gotten promises of support from many different organizations in this country and from many different leaders in this country and from many different independent nations in Africa, Asia, and Latin America. So this is our first objective and all we need is your support. Can we get your support for this project?

    For the past four weeks since my return from Africa, several persons from all walks of life in the Afro-American community have been meeting together, pooling knowledge and ideas and suggestions, forming a sort of a brain trust, for the purpose of getting a cross section of thinking, hopes, aspirations, likes and dislikes, to see what kind of organization we could put together that would in some way or other get the grassroots support, and what type of support it would need in order to be independent enough to take the type of action necessary to get results.

    No organization that is financed by white support can ever be independent enough to fight the power structure with the type of tactics necessary to get real results. The only way we can fight the power structure, and it’s the power structure that we’re fighting—we’re not even fighting the Southern segregationists, we’re fighting a system that is run in Washington, D.C. That’s the seat of the system that we’re fighting. And in order to fight it, we have to be independent of it. And the only way we can be independent of it is to be independent of all support from the white community. It’s a battle that we have to wage ourselves.

    Now, if white people want to help, they can help. But they can’t join. They can help in the white community, but they can’t join. We accept their help. They can form the White Friends of the Organization of Afro-American Unity and work in the white community on white people and change their attitude toward us. They don’t ever need to come among us and change our attitude. We’ve had enough of them working around us trying to change our attitude. That’s what got us all messed up.

    So we don’t question their sincerity, we don’t question their motives, we don’t question their integrity. We just encourage them to use it somewhere else—in the white community. If they can use all of this sincerity in the white community to make the white community act better toward us, then we’ll say, “Those are good white folks.” But they don’t have to come around us, smiling at us and showing us all their teeth like white Uncle Toms, to try and make themselves acceptable to us. The White Friends of the Organization of Afro-American Unity, let them work in the white community.

    The only way that this organization can be independent is if it is financed by you. It must be financed by you. Last week I told you that it would cost a dollar to join it. We sat down and thought about it all week long and said that charging you a dollar to join it would not make it an organization. We have set a membership joining fee, if that’s the way you express it, at $2.00. It costs more than that, I think to join the NAACP.

    By the way, you know I attended the NAACP convention Friday in Washington, D.C., which was very enlightening. And I found the people very friendly. They’ve got the same kind of ideas you have. They act a little different, but they’ve got the same kind of ideas, because they’re catching the same hell we’re catching. I didn’t find any hostility at that convention at all. In fact, I sat and listened to them go through their business and learned a lot from it. And one of the things I learned is they only charge, I think $2.50 a year for membership, and that’s it. Well this is one of the reasons that they have problems. Because any time you have an organization that costs $2.50 a year to belong to, it means that that organization has to turn in another direction for funds. And this is what castrates it. Because as soon as the white liberals begin to support it, they tell it what to do and what not to do.

    This is why Garvey was able to be more militant. Garvey didn’t ask them for help. He asked our people for help. And this is what we’re going to do. We’re going to try and follow his books.

    So we’re going to have a $2.00 joining and ask every member to contribute a dollar a week Now, the NAACP gets $2.50 a year, that’s it. And it can’t ever go anywhere like that because it’s always got to be putting on some kind of drive for help and will always get its help from the wrong source. And then when they get that help, they’ll have to end up condemning all the enemies of their enemy in order to get some more help. No, we condemn our enemies, not the enemies of our enemies. We condemn our enemies.

    So what we are going to ask you to do is, if you want to become a member of the Organization of Afro-American Unity, it will cost you $2.00. We are going to ask you to pay dues of a dollar a week. We will have an accountant, a bookkeeping system, which will keep the members up-to-date as to what has come in, what has been spent, and for what. Because the secret to success in any kind of business venture—and anything that you do that you mean business, you’d better do in a businesslike way—the secret to your success is keeping good records, good organized records.

    Since today will be the first time that we are opening the books for membership, our next meeting will be next Sunday here. And we will then have a membership. And we’ll be able to announce at that time the officers of the Organization of Afro-American Unity. I’ll tell you the top officer is the chairman, and that’s the office I’m holding. I’m taking the responsibility of the chairman, which means I’m responsible for any mistakes that take place; anything that goes wrong, any failures, you can rest them right upon my shoulders. So next week the officers will be announced.

    And this week I wanted to tell you the departments in this organization that, when you take out your membership, you can apply to work in. We have the department of education. The department of political action. For all of you who are interested in political action, we will have a department set up by brothers and sisters who are students of political science, whose function it will be to give us a breakdown of the community of New York City. First, how many assemblymen there are and how many of those assemblymen are black how many congressmen there are and how many of those congressmen are black. In fact, let me just read something real quick and I’ll show you why it’s so necessary. Just to give you an example.

    There are 270,000 eligible voters in the twenty-first senatorial district. The twenty-first senatorial district is broken down into the eleventh, seventh, and thirteenth assembly districts. Each assembly district contains 90,000 eligible voters. In the eleventh assembly district, only 29,000 out of 90,000 eligible voters exercise their voting rights. In the seventh assembly district, only 36,000 out of the 90,000 eligible voters vote. Now, in a white assembly district with 90,000 eligible voters, 65,000 exercise their voting rights, showing you that in the white assembly districts more whites vote than blacks vote in the black assembly districts. There’s a reason for this. It is because our people aren’t politically aware of what we can get by becoming politically active.

    So what we have to have is a program of political education to show them what they can get if they take political action that’s intelligently directed. Less than 25 percent of the eligible voters in Harlem vote in the primary election. Therefore, they have not the right to place the candidate of their choice in office, as only those who were in the primary can run in the general election. The following number of signatures are required to place a candidate to vote in the primaries: for assemblyman it must be 350 signatures; state senator, 750; countywide judgeship, 1,000; borough president, 2,150; mayor, 7,500. People registered with the Republican or Democratic parties do not have to vote with their party.

    There are fifty-eight senators in the New York state legislature. Four are from Manhattan; one is black. In the New York state assembly, there are 150 assemblymen. I think three are black; maybe more than that. According to calculation, if the Negro were proportionately represented in the state senate and state assembly, we would have several representatives in the state senate and several in the state assembly. There are 435 members in the United States House of Representatives. According to the census, there are 22 million Afro-Americans in the United States. If they were represented proportionately in this body, there would be 30 to 40 members of our race sitting in that body. How many are there? Five. There are 100 senators in the United States Senate. Hawaii, with a population of only 600,000, has two senators representing it. The black man, with a population of in excess of 20 million, is not represented in the Senate at all. Worse than this, many of the congressmen and representatives in the Congress of the United States come from states where black people are killed if they attempt to exercise the right to vote.

    What you and I want to do in this political department is have our brothers and sisters who are experts in the science of politics acquaint our people in our community with what we should have, and who should be doing it, and how we can go about getting what we should have. This will be their job and we want you to play this role so we can get some action without having to wait on Lyndon B. Johnson, Lyndon B. Texas Johnson.

    Also, our economics department. We have an economics department. For any of you who are interested in business or a program that will bring about a situation where the black man in Harlem can gain control over his own economy and develop business expansion for our people in this community so we can create some employment opportunities for our people in this community, we will have this department.

    We will also have a speakers bureau because many of our people want to speak, want to be speakers, they want to preach, they want to tell somebody what they know, they want to let off some steam. We will have a department that will train young men and young women how to go forth with our philosophy and our program and project it throughout the country; not only throughout this city but throughout the country.

    We will have a youth group. The youth group will be designed to work with youth. Not only will it consist of youth, but it will also consist of adults. But it will be designed to work out a program for the youth in this country, one in which the youth can play an active part.

    We also are going to have our own newspaper. You need a newspaper. We believe in the power of the press. A newspaper is not a difficult thing to run. A newspaper is very simple if you have the right motives. In fact, anything is simple if you have the right motives. The Muhammad Speaks newspaper, I and another person started it myself in my basement. And I’ve never gone past the eighth grade. Those of you who have gone to all these colleges and studied all kinds of journalism, yellow and black journalism, all you have to do is contribute some of your journalistic talent to our newspaper department along with our research department, and we can turn out a newspaper that will feed our people with so much information that we can bring about a real live revolution right here before you know it.

    We will also have a cultural department. The task or duty of the cultural department will be to do research into the culture, into the ancient and current culture of our people, the cultural contributions and achievements of our people. And also all of the entertainment groups that exist on the African continent that can come here and ours who are here that can go there. Set up some kind of cultural program that will really emphasize the dormant talent of black people.

    When I was in Ghana I was speaking with, I think his name is Nana Nketsia, I think he’s the minister of culture or he’s head of the culture institute. I went to his house, he had a—he had a nice, beautiful place; I started to say he had a sharp pad. He had a fine place in Accra. He had gone to Oxford, and one of the things that he said impressed me no end. He said that as an African his concept of freedom is a situation or a condition in which he, as an African, feels completely free to give vent to his own likes and dislikes and thereby develop his own African personality. Not a condition in which he is copying some European cultural pattern or some European cultural standard, but an atmosphere of complete freedom where he has the right, the leeway, to bring out of himself all of that dormant, hidden talent that has been there for so long.

    And in that atmosphere, brothers and sisters, you’d be surprised what will come out of the bosom of this black man. I’ve seen it happen. I’ve seen black musicians when they’d be jamming at a jam session with white musicians—a whole lot of difference. The white musician can jam if he’s got some sheet music in front of him. He can jam on something that he’s heard jammed before. If he’s heard it, then he can duplicate it or he can imitate it or he can read it. But that black musician, he picks up his horn and starts blowing some sounds that he never thought of before. He improvises, he creates, it comes from within. It’s his soul…it’s that soul music. It’s the only area on the American scene where the black man has been free to create. And he has mastered it. He has shown that he can come up with something that nobody ever thought of on his horn. 
Well likewise he can do the same thing if given intellectual independence. He can come up with a new philosophy. He can come up with a philosophy that nobody has heard of yet. He can invent a society, a social system, an economic system, a political system, that is different from anything that exists or has ever existed anywhere on this earth. He will improvise; he’ll bring it from within himself. And this is what you and I want.

    You and I want to create an organization that will give us so much power we can sit down and do as we please. Once we can sit down and think as we please, speak as we please, and do as we please, we will show people what pleases us. And what pleases us won’t always please them. So you’ve got to get some power before you can be yourself. Do you understand that? You’ve got to get some power before you can be yourself. Once you get power and you be yourself why, you’re gone, you’ve got it and gone. You create a new society and make some heaven right here on this earth.

    And we’re going to start right here tonight when we open up our membership books into the Organization of Afro-American Unity. I’m going to buy the first memberships myself—one for me, my wife, Attillah, Qubilah, these are my daughters, Ilyasah, and something else I expect to get either this week or next week. As I told you before, if it’s a boy I’m going to name him Lumumba, the greatest black man who ever walked the African continent.

    He didn’t fear anybody. He had those people so scared they had to kill him. They couldn’t buy him, they couldn’t frighten him, they couldn’t reach him. Why, he told the king of Belgium, “Man, you may let us free, you may have given us our independence, but we can never forget these scars.” The greatest speech—you should take that speech and tack it up over your door. This is what Lumumba said: “You aren’t giving us anything. Why, can you take back these scars that you put on our bodies? Can you give us back the limbs that you cut off while you were here? No, you should never forget what that man did to you. And you bear the scars of the same kind of colonization and oppression not on your body, but in your brain, in your heart, in your soul right now. So, if it’s a boy, Lumumba. If it’s a girl Lumumbah.

    We hope that we will be able to give you all the action you need. And more than likely we’ll be able to give you more than you want. We just hope that you stay with us.  Our meeting will be next Sunday night right here.

    We want you to bring all of your friends and we’ll be able to go forward. Up until now, these meetings have been sponsored by the Muslim Mosque, Incorporated. They’ve been sponsored and paid for by the Muslim Mosque, Incorporated. Beginning next Sunday, they will be sponsored and paid for by the Organization of Afro-American Unity.

    I don’t know if I’m right in saying this, but for a period of time, let’s you and me not be too hard on other Afro-American leaders. Because you would be surprised how many of them have expressed sympathy and support in our efforts to bring this situation confronting our people before the United Nations. You’d be surprised how many of them, some of the last ones you would expect, they’re coming around. So let’s give them a little time to straighten up. If they straighten up, good. They’re our brothers and we’re responsible for our brothers. But if they don’t straighten up, then that’s another point.

    And one thing that we are going to do, we’re going to dispatch a wire, a telegram that is, in the name of the Organization of Afro-American Unity to Martin Luther King in St. Augustine, Florida, and to Jim Forman in Mississippi, worded in essence to tell them that if the federal government doesn’t come to their aid, call on us. And we will take the responsibility of slipping some brothers into that area who know what to do by any means necessary.

    I can tell you right now that my purpose is not to become involved in a fight with Black Muslims, who are my brothers still. I do everything I can to avoid that because there’s no benefit in it. It actually makes our enemy happy. But I do believe that the time has come for you and me to take the responsibility of forming whatever nucleus or defense group is necessary in places like Mississippi.

    Why, they shouldn’t have to call on the federal government—that’s a drag. No, when you and I know that our people are the victims of brutality, and all times the police in those states are the ones who are responsible, then it is incumbent upon you and me, if we are men, if we are to be respected and recognized, it is our duty to do something about it. Johnson knew that when he sent Dulles down there. Johnson has found this out. You don’t disappear. How are you going to disappear? Why, this man can find a missing person in China. They send the CIA all the way to China and find somebody. They send the FBI anywhere and find somebody.

    But they can’t find them whenever the criminal is white and the victim is black then they can’t find them.

    Let’s don’t wait on any more FBI to look for criminals who are shooting and brutalizing our people. Let’s you and me find them. And I say that it’s easy to do it. One of the best-organized groups of black people in America was the Black Muslims. They’ve got all the machinery, don’t think they haven’t; and the experience where they know how to ease out in broad daylight or in dark and do whatever is necessary by any means necessary. They know how to do that. Well I don’t blame anybody for being taught how to do that. You’re living in a society where you’re the constant victim of brutality. You must know how to strike back.

    So instead of them and us wasting our shots, I should say our time and energy, on each other, what we need to do is band together and go to Mississippi. That’s my closing message to Elijah Muhammad: If he is the leader of the Muslims and the leader of our people, then lead us against our enemies, don’t lead us against each other.

    I thank you for your patience here tonight, and we want each and every one of you to put your name on the roll of the Organization of Afro-American Unity. The reason we have to rely upon you to let the public know where we are is because the press doesn’t help us; they never announce in advance that we’re going to have a meeting. So you have to spread the word over the grapevine. Thank you. Asalaam Alaikum.

  • In Defense of Black Power

     

    black power 2

    Introduction:  Socialist Resurgence is reprinting In Defense of Black Power by George Breitman. 

    This essay lays out many ideas and challenges facing the movement in 1966 that, unfortunately, remain relevant for the Black Liberation Movement today. Black Power represented a declaration of independence from the liberalism and reformism of the civil rights movement and the desire to develop an independent perspective and movement. 

    In particular, Black Power broke with the nonviolence strategy of the civil rights leadership and advocated for the right to self-defense by the oppressed. Black Power was untainted by the anti-communist prejudices of the past and embraced internationalism and anti-imperialism. Black Power was a concrete step toward a break with the subordination of the Black community to the Democrats and towards political independence. 

    In Defense of Black Power

    (October 1966)

    By GEORGE BREITMAN

    Up to now the capitalist masters of this country have been able to control or contain the efforts of black people to liberate themselves. Directly and indirectly, they have set down the rules and the boundaries within which the Negro organizations have operated. As a result, the leaders of those organizations have usually been “the right kind” — moderates and liberals, who know what they may and may not do, who abide by the rules and do not cross the boundaries. The main reason why black Americans are not closer to their goal of freedom, justice and equality is that they have lacked a mass movement and a leadership truly independent of the ruling class, its ideology and its institutions.

    Malcolm X set out early in 1964 to build such a movement, but he was killed before he could do more than expound some basic principles and offer a personal example of fearless independence. The Black Power tendency is an attempt, starting from a slightly different direction, to do essentially the same thing that Malcolm tried to do. Its appearance marks another stage in the radicalization of the Negro people, in accord with the law that the more independent any oppressed group is of the ruling class, the more radical it tends to be.

    Organizationally, the Black Power tendency is only in the early stages of its development; the various groups and individuals who have raised the Black Power banner have not yet defined their relations to each other or united into a single movement or federation. But numerically it is already considerably stronger than the organized adherents of Malcolm’s movement. The Student Non-violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), groups in the new tendency, are national organizations, with thousands of members or sympathizers. They have an experienced cadre of dedicated leaders and activists, hardened in battle along many fronts and equipped with a variety of skills. They represent the best of the new generation of young freedom fighters who appeared on the scene around 1960, with a consistently more militant outlook than that of previous generations and an enviable ability to learn from experience and grow.

    Ideologically and politically, the Black Power tendency is also still in the process of crystallization. But its direction-to the left-is unmistakably indicated by the way it has broken away from several of the premises and shibboleths of the old “civil rights” consensus. Internationalist and anti-imperialist, it expresses solidarity with the worldwide struggle against colonialism and neo-colonialism, condemns the US war in Vietnam and rejects the contention that the freedom movement “should not mix civil rights and foreign policy.” It spurns the straitjacket of “non-violence” and proclaims the right of self-defense. It challenges the fraudulent claim that freedom can be won through the passage of a series of civil-rights laws that are largely un-enforced and benefit mainly middle-class Negroes.

    Some of its adherents still believe in working inside the Democratic Party, but others advocate a complete break with the Democrats and Republicans and the establishment of independent black or black-led parties — not only in Lowndes County, Ala., but in the Northern ghettos. Some accept capitalism; others are talking rather vaguely about a cooperative based economy for the black community that they think would be neither capitalist nor socialist; and there is also evidently a pro-socialist grouping, as was shown when delegates at a Black Power planning conference in Washington Sept. 3 posed the need to “determine which is more politically feasible for the advancement of black power, capitalism or socialism.”

    It was therefore to be expected, and logical, that Johnson, Humphrey and the capitalist brainwashers would oppose and attack Black Power, and not surprising that most liberals tagged along behind them. But how account for the attitudes of the Socialist and Communist parties and the forces close to them? Why do they respond with distress, fear or hostility, to the development of a radical and potentially pro-socialist movement among the Negro people?

    Radical Critics of Black Power

    Bayard Rustin, social-democrat and director of the A. Philip Randolph Institute, is one of the harshest critics of Black Power. Writing in the September issue of Commentary, he says that it “not only lacks any real value for the civil rights movement, but that its propagation is positively harmful. It diverts the movement from a meaningful debate over strategy and tactics, it isolates the Negro community, and it encourages the growth of anti-Negro forces.” SNCC and CORE once “awakened the country, but now they emerge isolated and demoralized, shouting a slogan that may afford a momentary satisfaction but that is calculated to destroy them and their movement.”

    Paul Feldman, a member of the Socialist Party’s national executive committee and editor of its paper, New America, is equally antagonistic. In the June 30 issue of his paper and in the September-October issue of Dissent, he says that Black Power “as it is practiced by SNCC means only the continuation of protest outside the political framework.” “Slogans like ‘black power’ are substitutes for some painful rethinking; they are an attempt to stir a lagging movement by injecting heady verbal stimulants.” In the same way that the social-democrats in the McCarthy era used to criticize Truman and Eisenhower for “encouraging communism,” Feldman charges that:

    “Through the inadequacy of its approach to poverty and unemployment, the Johnson administration has encouraged nationalistic tendencies in both the civil rights movement and the Negro community.”

    James E. Jackson, a leading Communist Party spokesman, is more circumspect than Rustin and Feldman. That is because he burned his fingers last June at the CP’s national convention when he criticized Black Power; among the younger members of the CP and among the DuBois Clubs there is sympathy for Black Power, and even some sentiment for black nationalism, and they voiced strong objection to Jackson’s remarks. As a result, Jackson’s article in the September issue of Political Affairs finds some favorable things to say about the Black Power tendency, and he couches his opposition to its essential characteristics in softer language than the kind he used to use about Malcolm X and Robert F. Williams. But this does not alter the CP’s basic position, which remains, like that of the SP’s, opposed to the most radical aspects and implications of Black Power.

    In their efforts to belittle the Black Power tendency, Rustin and Feldman occasionally go to ridiculous lengths. “In some quarters,” Rustin says, Black Power connotes “a repudiation of non-violence in favor of Negro ‘self-defense.’ Actually this is a false issue, since no one has ever argued that Negroes should not defend themselves as individuals from attack.” No one! Ever! Rustin must think his readers have short memories or have never heard his ally, Martin Luther King, admonishing black people that if blood must flow, it should be theirs. In an attempt to support his claim, Rustin adds a footnote recalling that “as far back as 1934” (he means 1943) he, A. Philip Randolph and others “had joined a committee to try to save the life of Odell Waller … a sharecropper [who] had murdered his white boss in self-defense.” But that doesn’t prove anything; it is perfectly possible to defend someone on trial for self-defense while opposing self-defense, just as it is possible to defend a terrorist on trial for his life while remaining opposed to terrorism.

    Anyway, Rustin completes the circle and compounds the confusion by adding the charge that “the new militant leadership, by raising the slogan of black power and lowering the banner of non-violence, has obscured the moral issue facing this nation [?], and permitted the President and Vice President to lecture us about ‘racism in reverse’ instead of proposing more meaningful programs for dealing with the problems of unemployment, housing and education.” Of course this doesn’t explain what kept Johnson and Humphrey from proposing “more meaningful programs” before the Black Power tendency “permitted” them not to. But it does show that “someone” is still arguing against self-defense. Feldman does not discuss self-defense at all. Jackson endorses the concept, but seems a little uneasy at the suggestion, by “some speakers,” that “Negroes could organize their own policing system to counter the violence of the racists and the police.” He deems it necessary to remind Negroes that they must continue to demand that “the government … discharge its duty to safeguard the lives and property of all its citizens.”

    Feldman doesn’t concede that the Black Power tendency is militant, let alone radical. [1] “The militant verbiage that frightens so many whites may well hide conservative tendencies,” he says. This may explain why he never mentions the SNCC-CORE opposition to the Vietnam war, which is certainly couched in militant and radical terms, and is one of the main reasons for the conservative-liberal attack on Black Power. This is an odd omission for the editor of a paper that is in its own way critical of the war. Odder yet is Rustin’s sole reference to the Black Power position against the war:

    “Floyd McKissick and Stokely Carmichael may accuse Roy Wilkins of being out of touch with the Negro ghetto, but nothing more completely demonstrates their own alienation from ghetto youth than their repeated exhortations to these young men to oppose the Vietnam war when so many of them tragically see it as their only way out.”

    Such contortions — by a man who still calls himself a pacifist — are all the more notable because this is the first time that a significant section of the organized freedom movement has flatly opposed a major war of the American ruling class. It may be news to Rustin, but the Black Power stand against the war is one of the major sources of its popularity in the ghetto, among both young and old. This is something that Jackson has the sense to recognize, despite his trepidation on other points.

    If, in the political arena, the Black Power tendency was concerned only with electing black representatives to public office, our three critics would have no objections. Jackson approves the objective of winning “the political power in those areas where Negroes predominate,” and says the CP has long advocated this. Rustin sees “nothing wrong” (and “nothing inherently radical”) in “the effort to elect Negroes to office in proportion to Negro strength within the population,” although he doesn’t think it important because there are only 80 counties and two congressional districts in the South where Negroes are a majority. Feldman says its all right too, but adds that no special strategy is needed in Southern areas where Negroes are a majority because they would win office anyway “more or less naturally as more and more Negroes in the Black Belt got the vote.” 

    Independent political action

    But their reaction is quite different when certain advocates of Black Power call for the election of black representatives through independent political action, through the creation of political parties independent of the Democratic Party-such as the Lowndes County Freedom Organization (“Black Panther”) in Alabama. Then the fur begins to fly.

    Rustin rejects independent black political action (“SNCC’s Black Panther perspective”) as “simultaneously Utopian and reactionary” – Utopian, because “one-tenth of the population cannot accomplish much by itself”; reactionary, because “such a party would remove Negroes from the main area of political struggle in this country (particularly in the one-party South, where the decisive battles are fought out in Democratic primaries), and would give priority to the issue of race precisely at a time when the fundamental questions facing the Negro and American society alike are economic and social.” Rustin says that “Southern Negroes, despite exhortations from SNCC to organize themselves into a Black Panther party, are going to stay in the Democratic party … and they are right to stay,” because their winning the right to vote “insures the eventual transformation of the Democratic party, now controlled primarily by Northern machine politicians and Southern Dixiecrats.” The Black Power perspective, he declares, flows from despair, frustration, pessimism and “the belief that the ghetto will last forever.” The best alternative that he can see is “a liberal-labor-civil rights coalition which would work to make the Democratic party truly responsive to the aspirations of the poor.”

    Feldman’s arguments are similar. Since Negroes are a minority, they can at best be “a swing vote under certain conditions.” The Black Panther strategy will deprive them of the ability “to affect the choice between a Wallace and a Richmond Flowers.” SNCC’s “most positive quality” has been “prodding liberal elements into action” and that will be dissipated if it breaks from the Democratic Party coalition. “The quick demise of the all-Negro ‘Freedom Now’ Party started in 1963 does not augur well for those who would start a similar political group in the North.” Black Power “continues to bring the racial issue to the forefront when it is vital instead to raise and make central the economic issues that can unite the black and white poor against their exploiters.”

    “The real alternative to the coalition strategy for the Negro community is not, as SNCC would have it, a radical movement of the Negro masses but the kind of Negro machines run by Congressmen Powell in New York and Dawson in Chicago, who act as the middle men between machine hacks and power centers in the Democratic Party.”

    Black Power “is aimed at the liberal coalition as well as at white racists; and it signifies a rejection of alliance with liberals. It sounds militant, but it marks a retreat into the ghettos of the North and enclaves in the South — a continuation of protest without politics.” And probably worst of all, if SNCC and CORE turn away from a coalition strategy, “the coalition itself faces a major crisis” and may disintegrate.

     Breaking with the Democratic Party

    What comes through very distinctly from Rustin and Feldman is the notion that black people are helpless, impotent, unable to do anything significant by themselves, doomed to the auxiliary role of “prodding liberal elements into action.” The social-democrats of course did not originate this view; they absorbed it from the capitalist ideologists — so thoroughly that it is as natural to them now as breathing in and breathing out. Ossified by the dogmas of gradualism and reformism, their minds cannot entertain any part for Negroes to play beyond helping “to affect the choice between a Wallace and a Richmond Flowers” in 1966 (like the choice between Goldwater and Johnson in 1964). Their thinking is so frozen that they equate “political framework” with “Democratic Party,” as though political action outside the Democratic Party, by Negroes or anyone else, is the ultimate absurdity. The revolutionary conception of the American black minority — as a vanguard of social change — is utterly alien to them.

    But the most advanced Black Power forces are moving toward this conception, even though their spokesmen do not always formulate it consistently or precisely. Some of them are beginning to grasp the fact that, thanks to discrimination and segregation, which keep them at the bottom of the social structure but also tend to unite them in resistance to their oppression, the Negro people of this country, although they are a minority, are in the uniquely favorable position of being able, through their own efforts (“by themselves”) if necessary, to set into motion a series of changes that can upset the social and political equilibrium and transform the whole future of the United States.

    The first step in this process is political — a break by the Negro people with the Democratic Party and the two-party system as a whole, and the formation of a political party of their own. (Whether such a party will be black-led and controlled like the Lowndes County Freedom Organization or all-black, like the Freedom Now Party of 1963–64, is a secondary and tactical question.) This would give them, for the first time, a political instrument that they themselves controlled, through which they could elect their own representatives in both the Southern counties and the Northern cities where they are majorities or the single biggest bloc. For the first time in American history Negroes would have a party that really represented them and that they could count on to contend in their interest against the parties of their oppressors.

    And that would be only part of the story. The other part would be the effect their withdrawal would have on the Democratic Party and its coalition with the labor leaders and liberals. In a word, it would be devastating. Without the support it now enjoys from Negroes, the Democratic Party would come apart at the seams; the coalition would be thrust into what Feldman fears so much — “a major crisis.” The Democratic Party would cease to be the major national party. The unions would be forced to reconsider their relations to a party that could no longer win national elections; in the long run, this would strengthen sentiment for independent labor politics and a labor party. Political realignment, about which there has been so much talk for so long, would become a probability, and along more fundamental lines than the liberals have ever conceived. All this would not yet give the Negro what he needs and wants, but it would create infinitely better conditions for him to obtain it than he now has. Contrary to Rustin, “one-tenth of the population” can do quite a lot by themselves when they utilize all the opportunities within their reach.

    Rustin claims that independent black politics is “utopian,” but he is the last man who should use that word; it is impossible to think of a more Utopian task than trying to make the world’s major capitalist party “truly responsive to the aspirations of the poor.” Rustin and Feldman attribute Black Power to despair and frustration, but the only sense in which this is true is that increasing numbers of black people are beginning to recognize the futility of trying to reform the Democratic Party; in general, desperate and frustrated people do not undertake a task as difficult as building a new political party. Feldman argues that independent black politics must fail because the Freedom Party suffered “a quick demise.” By this “logic” — that you should never try anything again if it doesn’t succeed at the first attempt — he would have a hard time justifying his policy of working in the Democratic Party after so many decades of defeats and betrayals. The fact is that there is already a sufficiently large body of Negroes disillusioned with the Democratic and Republican parties to provide the initial mass base for an independent black party. According to a recent national survey by Newsweek (printed Aug. 22), 17 per cent of the Negroes [2] are in favor of “dumping the Democratic Party, and going it alone in all-black political organizations, while 74 per cent are against this course. A majority of black people are not yet ready for an independent party, but no political party starts with a majority of its intended constituency. If around one-sixth of the 22–23 million black people are in favor of an independent party now, before it exists, then the possibility of starting such a party, and winning the majority of Negroes to it, certainly cannot be dismissed as Utopian.

    When Rustin argues that Black Power moods result from “the belief that the ghetto will last forever,” he may be right. Of course forever is a long time, and it is unhistorical to think the ghetto will survive long after the system that brought it into being is replaced by a non-exploitative system. But militants who expect the ghetto to last forever are more realistic than Rustin, who thinks it will be eliminated by a reformed Democratic Party. Correct strategy and tactics must flow from the understanding that the ghetto is here to stay as long as capitalism stays, and that capitalism will stay as long as the two-party system remains unchallenged. Anyway, all such beliefs are subject to modification through experience. The real question is not how long one believes the ghetto will last, but what one proposes to do about the ghetto: Do you strive to keep its residents handcuffed to capitalist politics, or do you work to liberate them for action by organizing them in a party of their own to fight against capitalist, that is, racist, politics?

    The Black Power tendency is clearing the ground for the emergence of an independent black party. The basis for such a party is the oppression common to the Negro people, or, to use the shorthand equivalent in this racist society, their “blackness.” When Rustin complains that Black Power “would give priority to the issue of race” and Feldman that it “continues to bring the racial issue to the forefront,” they are standing things on their heads. The “racial issue” is already to the forefront, it already has priority. The responsibility for that rests on the ruling class, not on SNCC or CORE. What they are attempting to do is utilize a situation that they did not create in order to change the situation; they are attempting to extract certain tactical advantages from that situation that will enable them to organize the black masses, whom the old civil-rights movement never organized and who cannot be organized by the Rustin-Feldman method of denying the importance of the “racial issue.” At the end of this process lies not racism but equality, which will be advanced by the proper mobilization and politicalization of black consciousness, just as a classless society will be achieved through the promotion of proletarian class consciousness.

    Jackson’s article avoids many of the pitfalls plunged into by Rustin and Feldman, but only by refusing to discuss some of the basic questions. He is for Black Power if all it means is “the struggle to create the conditions for the Negro people to exercise the power in the areas of their majority.” But he adds, ever so delicately, “In terms of the country as a whole, Negro Americans are more often than not cast in a minority situation.” So? So “more than the political and organizational build-up of ‘Black Power,’ more than the self-organization and militant action of the Negro people themselves is required.” He even seems to be willing to grant, conditionally without enthusiasm, that a “Black Panther” approach may be permissible in certain local situations, but he insists that a different strategy is needed nationally:

    “The perspective and struggle to establish Black Power bases of local political control in the deep South and in metropolitan slums of the North … would prove useful to a total strategy of Negro freedom only insofar as they enhanced the capability of the Negro movement to consummate more favorable alliance relations with comparable disadvantaged and objectively ‘anti-establishment’ classes and forces among the white population.”

     Anti-Monopoly Coalition

    This doesn’t mean quite what it may seem to the unwary reader. When Jackson and the CP talk about “objectively ‘anti-establishment’ classes and forces,” they are not talking only about poor whites or white workers and they are not proposing an anti-capitalist alliance. What they favor is a coalition against the monopoly capitalists, in which “good” and “liberal” capitalists would be included. Politically, they mean the Democratic Party, the same thing the social-democrats mean. The CP wants the black people to remain inside the national Democratic Party even if, in isolated instances, Negroes create local political organizations outside the local Democratic Party. Jackson’s article neither proposes nor attacks the “Black Panther” approach — it is written in the hope of influencing Black Power partisans in a pro-national Democratic Party direction. He will attack the Black Power tendency if it definitively rejects such “favorable alliance relations.” He will call it “political isolationism” — the CP’s name for any breakaway from the Democratic Party to the left.

    It is misleading to read “isolationism” into the statements of the major Black Power spokesmen. When they project a new, more independent and more radical movement, and concentrate on the questions that will help to bring it into being, that does not mean they are opposed to alliances with other forces, or indifferent to them. It means only that they are putting first things first. Feldman tries to make fun of the “small groupings of alienated white radicals” (he means chiefly the Socialist Workers Party and the Young Socialist Alliance) who do not see any contradiction between the independent organization of black people and their subsequent collaboration with revolutionary white workers in a struggle against capitalism. He wants us to insist that black people must commit themselves to such collaboration even before they have organized themselves. Thanks immensely for the unalienated advice, Mr. Feldman, but the days are gone when militant Negroes will give blank checks to anyone — and that, we think, is the best thing that’s happened in decades. First things first.

    First the Black Power movement will seek to organize the black masses independently, and then they will consider the question of alliances. How can we be sure? Because every movement does that, and has to. Capitalists look for allies, small businessmen look for allies, the labor movement looks for allies. The real question is what kind of alliances will an independent black movement seek. Will it be the kind that has existed up to now, where the methods and goals are dictated by other forces, and where black people are subordinates, with little voice and little choice but to do the legwork? Or will it be a new kind of alliance, where the blacks will have an equal say in the leadership and determination of policy — and the power to withdraw from unsatisfactory arrangements precisely because they are independently organized? The difference between an independent movement and a dependent movement is not over their willingness to enter into alliances, but over the kinds of alliances they enter.

    The thing that worries the Socialist and Communist parties about the Black Power tendency is not that it may reject alliances, but that it may reject alliances limited to reforming capitalism and the Democratic Party. Here their fears are soundly based. For the emergence of an independent mass black movement will create “a major crisis” for the non-revolutionary Socialist and Communist parties as well as the Democratic Party.

    October 1966

    * * *

    Footnotes

    1. In the summer Stokely Carmichael and Rep. Adam Clayton Powell jointly announced that a Black Power conference would be held in Washington later in the year. Powell’s advocacy of Black Power was seized on by Feldman (“it is especially to be noted”) and Rustin (“it is no accident”) as evidence of its non-radical character. It turned out to be poor evidence. On Sept. 8 Powell explained that he was trying to “channelize” the tendency to assume constructive roles in American society. Later, on Oct. 9, the Harlem opportunist publicly denounced Carmichael and said, “Any effort to tie me with the SNCC definition of black power is totally erroneous.”
    2. There is a close correspondence between this figure and the 19 per cent of the Negroes surveyed who voiced approval of Floyd McKissick and Stokely Carmichael as leaders.