Site icon Workers' Voice/La Voz de los Trabajadores

Home

  • Workers’ Voice newspaper: June-July edition

    Workers’ Voice newspaper: June-July edition

    Trump continues his assault on working and oppressed people: From the attack on voting rights to the environmental impact of the war on Iran to abortion rights to the struggles of immigrant meatpacking workers on the picket line, this edition is filled with insightful views on how working people are confronting the horrors of capitalism under the management of the Trump administration. Also in this issue read about migrant workers in Africa, the struggle against data centers, and the meaning of recent elections in Hungary.

    The June-July 2026 edition of our newspaper is available in print and online as a pdf. Read the latest issue of our newspaper today with a free pdf download! As always, we appreciate any donations to help with the cost of printing.

    Click on the image to read the paper or message us to get a hard copy:

  • The future of Lebanon and the stalemate in the Gulf

    By FABIO BOSCO

    Since March 2, the State of Israel has been carrying out devastating attacks against Lebanon, particularly against the southern region and southern Beirut. There are already more than 3100 dead, over a million displaced, and many areas in ruins. How far will Israel go?

    To understand these attacks, one must understand the Zionists’ historical view of Lebanon. On May 16, 1955, Israeli Prime Minister Moshe Sharett described in his diary the meeting he had with Ben-Gurion, then Minister of Defense, and his Chief of Staff, Moshe Dayan:“According to him [Dayan], all that is needed is to find an officer, even if he is only a major. We must win his heart or buy him with money, to get him to agree to declare himself the savior of the Maronite population. Then the Israeli army will enter Lebanon, occupy the necessary territory, and establish a Christian regime that will ally itself with Israel. The territory from the Litani River southward will be fully annexed to Israel…”.

    This plan was put into practice in 1978 when Israel invaded southern Lebanon and established a puppet army led by Major Saad Haddad, who was replaced after his death by General Antoine Lahad, both of whom were Maronite Christians. Four years later, Israeli forces advanced to the capital, Beirut, to expel Palestinian forces, defeat leftist forces, and install their ally Bashir Gemayel as president.

    Gemayel championed an Israeli agenda: the expulsion of the Palestinians, whom he considered a “surplus population,” and the establishment of an authoritarian government to advance the interests of the Lebanese Christian bourgeoisie.

    To achieve this, Gemayel needed time to expel the Palestinians and Syrian forces before normalizing relations with the Zionist state. This was the pact between Gemayel and Israeli General Ariel Sharon in Bikfaya two days before his assassination in the bombing of the building housing his party’s headquarters.

    Later, in 1983, the Lebanese resistance, led by left-wing parties, drove Israeli forces out of Beirut and southward. In 2000, the Lebanese resistance, now under Hezbollah’s leadership, expelled Israeli forces and their puppet army.

    The second attempt to impose a colonial plan on Lebanon began in October 2024 with devastating attacks on Lebanese territory, particularly the south and the southern outskirts of the capital, as well as towns and cities in the Bekaa Valley. This aggression was suspended at Trump’s behest, but the ceasefire was violated by Israel 15,000 times by March 2, 2026, when Israel resumed large-scale aggression.

    In the negotiations imposed by U.S. imperialism, Israel’s objectives are clear: to force the Lebanese government to instigate a civil war to disarm Hezbollah while Israeli forces occupy the south of the country, enabling them to attack any point in Lebanese territory at any time. The Israeli plan would transform the Lebanese government into a representative of its interests in the colonization of Arab lands.

    Israel as an outpost of U.S. imperialism

    This Israeli plan depends directly on its main sponsor: U.S. imperialism. Since 1973, U.S. imperialism has made the state of Israel its outpost to control the entire Levant region, Iraq, and the Arabian Peninsula. To this end, Israel receives, free of charge, modern weaponry superior to any other in the region, while the United States sells arms to the rest of the region that would be insufficient for countering the Zionists. Since the Obama administration, Israel has received $3.8 billion annually, and even more when necessary, as was the case during the genocide against the Palestinians in Gaza.

    Furthermore, U.S. imperialism has developed a series of diplomatic strategies to force Arab countries to normalize relations with Israel. This was the case in 1979 with Egypt, and later with Jordan. Also in 1993, the Oslo Accords transformed the PLO into the manager of the Israeli occupation; and in 2020, the Abraham Accords with the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Morocco, and Sudan, as well as ongoing processes of normalization with nearly all of the Arab regimes, with the exception of Algeria, Tunisia, and Kuwait.

    This process of expanded normalization was interrupted by the action of the Palestinian resistance, led by Hamas, on October 7, 2023, which put the Palestinian issue back on the international agenda, froze the ongoing normalization negotiations—particularly with Saudi Arabia—and shattered Zionist self-confidence in its security scheme.

    Since then, the United States, under Biden and Trump, has provided unconditional support to the state of Israel in the genocide in Gaza, the ethnic cleansing in the West Bank, and the apartheid in the Palestinian territories occupied in 1948.

    The failed objectives of the attacks on Iran

    Following a 12-day aggression in 2025, U.S. imperialism and Israeli forces launched a brutal attack against Iran on February 28.

    Their plan was to impose an allied government to serve U.S. objectives in the inter-imperialist dispute with China, and to eliminate the Iranian regime’s regional ambitions, leaving the field open for Israel’s hegemonic ambitions.

    This plan failed due to the success of the Iranian efforts to block the Strait of Hormuz and strangle the international economy. At this moment, there is a stalemate, and Trump is seeking a way out to reopen the Strait of Hormuz to prevent a further decline in the global economy, which would affect the interests of corporations and the U.S. population, as well as those of allied countries.

    At the same time, a Plan B is underway on the part of the United States through its representative, Tom Barrack, who is visiting all Arab capitals with the aim of building a regional alliance against Iran. This objective has already made progress with the military alliance under negotiation between Israel and the United Arab Emirates, and with the replacement of the Iraqi prime minister.

    Saudi ambitions towards a third way

    However, this plan faces resistance. First and foremost from the leader of the Arab League, the Saudi regime, which has its own ambitions to become the hegemonic regional power, as an alternative to Iran and Israel.

    Eleven years ago, the Saudi regime launched an unsuccessful war against the Yemeni Houthis, which ended after two drones struck the country’s main oil complex in 2019.

    Simultaneously, the regime launched the 2030 Vision to diversify the Saudi economy, making it less dependent on oil. However, this plan failed to secure all the necessary resources for its implementation, and is now being called into question in the wake of the imperialist aggression against Iran, which has hit the Gulf countries hard.

    Today, the Saudi regime seeks an alternative regional alliance to Israel and Iran, aligning its enormous economic resources with Turkiye and its arms industry, with Egypt and its massive population, and with Pakistan and its nuclear bombs: an explosive alliance. This alliance remains allied with the United States but maintains excellent relations with Chinese imperialism.

    One of this bloc’s key positions is to freeze normalization with Israel, making it contingent on the so-called 2002 Arab Initiative, which demands the recognition of a Palestinian state in the territories occupied by Israel in 1967. The Saudi regime is already active in Lebanon, seeking to prevent the normalization of relations with Israel.

    A divided Lebanon

    The majority opinion among the Lebanese bourgeoisie and the Lebanese population is opposed to full normalization with Israel. But it is divided along religious lines regarding how to end Israeli aggression.

    The Christian bourgeoisie wants a ceasefire agreement with Israel and the disarmament of Hezbollah. The Shiite bourgeoisie rejects negotiations with Israel because they represent Lebanon’s colonialist subordination, and supports the armed resistance currently led by Hezbollah, which needs weapons to carry it out. Between these two positions stand the Sunni and Druze bourgeoisie: they want a ceasefire with Israel without this implying normalization, and a negotiated disarmament of Hezbollah.

    The division among the population is somewhat different. According to a public opinion poll conducted by the local channel Al-Jadeed, the majority of Christians, Druze, and Sunnis want Hezbollah to be disarmed, while 87% of Shiites oppose it. As for direct negotiations with Israel, over 70% of Christians and Druze support them. Sunnis are divided: 52% support peace with Israel, but 46% reject it. And 53% of Sunnis reject negotiations between Netanyahu and Lebanese President Joseph Aoun.

    Among Shiites, 93% reject it, demonstrating that the rift between Hezbollah and the Shiite population has not occurred, even though there is discontent regarding the party’s various policies, ranging from the 2013 invasion of Syria to the recent Israeli attacks on the country.

    As for normalization with Israel, only the Druze are largely in favor: 70% support the opening of an Israeli embassy in Beirut. This rapprochement between the Druze community and Israel occurred following the conflicts in Suwayda between Syrian government forces and the forces led by Sheikh al-Hijri. It is interesting to note the rift between the main Druze leader, Walid Jumblatt, and the Druze population. Jumblatt advocates for a rapprochement between the Syrian government and the Druze population in Suwayda, and a distancing from Israel.

    The relationship between the left-wing public and Hezbollah is also complex. Scholar Ziad Majed assesses that the Lebanese left is divided into four groupings: the first supports Hezbollah for its role in resisting Israel. The second grouping harshly criticizes Hezbollah for its domestic policies but prioritizes the struggle against Israel over these disagreements. The third grouping opposes Hezbollah regarding its relationship with Iran and the invasion of Syria, but does not align with anti-Hezbollah forces and believes that Israel is the greatest threat to Lebanon. The fourth group believes that an agreement with Israel is necessary to end the aggression.

    Other imperialist countries

    Still on the international stage, European imperialism, once highly influential in the Middle East, today limits itself to diplomatic statements criticizing Israeli excesses—such as Israel’s actions in Lebanon—but largely remains silent in the face of the Palestinian genocide while maintaining all its diplomatic and commercial channels with the State of Israel.

    China positions itself as an ally of Israel, Iran, and Saudi Arabia at the same time, and has no interest in the fall of the regimes in any of these countries. Russia, meanwhile, maintains important relations with both Iran and Israel, but its actions are currently limited by the massive war effort against Ukraine.

    Expel Israel and overthrow the sectarian state

    In this situation, it is important to identify the political orientation for the Lebanese working class, which necessarily begins with the need to expel Israeli forces from Lebanese territory and to participate, in whatever way possible, in the resistance. For this to be realized, the main obstacle is the sectarian state and the majority of its bourgeois parties. The sectarian state structure in Lebanon was the result of an imperialist scheme to divide the Lebanese working class into illusory communal interests led by their respective bourgeois sectors. This sectarian state was on the verge of being defeated at the start of the Lebanese civil war, but it was stopped by Syrian military intervention in 1976, which prevented the defeat of the Christian far right.

    This sectarian capitalist state is responsible for the country’s economic decline. It is incapable of guaranteeing basic services such as garbage collection or 24-hour electricity. Furthermore, in 2019, the Lebanese bourgeoisie withdrew its capital from the country, leading to a sharp decline in the Lebanese pound and the economy in general, followed by a catastrophic explosion at the port of Beirut that, in addition to the total destruction of the area, claimed the lives of 300 people.

    Against the sectarian state, the uprising of October 19, 2019, rose up once more. This uprising called for the end of the sectarian state and brought together different sectors, ranging from a radicalized proletarian sector centered in the city of Tripoli to middle-class sectors centered in the city of Beirut.

    The orientation for the workers’ movement must stem from the struggle against Israel, building an independent camp of the working class and youth, separate from the sectarian parties, and inspired by the proletarian youth of Tripoli.

    Translated from the original Portuguese

    Photo: Bomb damage from an Israeli strike on the city of Tyre.

  • Detained immigrants on strike at Delaney Hall: ‘Don’t give up!’

    {:en}

    By MICHAEL SCHREIBER

    On May 22, about 300 immigrants detained at the Delaney Hall jail in Newark, N.J., began a labor and hunger strike. The bold action was organized to call attention to the inhumane conditions they are facing at the facility and to protest the lack of due process that led to their incarceration by ICE. They charge that immigration judges are ignoring their cases and that their bonds have been denied—tactics, they say, that are employed in order to force the migrants to self-deport.

    On Tuesday, May 26, Eyes on ICE New Jersey, an immigrant solidarity group, affirmed that about 200 detainees were still on strike.

    Delaney Hall in Newark. (Reena Rose Sibayan / New Jersey Monitor)

    Over the course of a week, the strikers have issued three letters outlining their complaints and demands. In the letters, they have asked for the immediate release of elderly, pregnant, young, or sick detainees; a “meaningful review” of immigration cases and habeas filings; and a halt to the pressure placed upon them to sign deportation documents.

    The conditions described by the strikers, and attested to by several members of Congress who visited the facilities, are abysmal. The detainees stated they had been served decaying food that contained worms and maggots. They lacked access to clean water and had to contend with sewage backups inside the facility.

    Amy Torres, executive director of the New Jersey Alliance for Immigrant Justice, a coalition of immigrant rights groups in New Jersey, said the conditions raised by detainees had gotten worse in recent months. “As we’ve heard from the hunger strikers themselves, there are people with really serious medical conditions who are not being treated,” said Torres. “There’s an outbreak of lice. There’s an outbreak of the flu inside. When people in detention complain about any sort of pain or symptom, they’re given a tab of Tylenol.”

    The prison management has retaliated against the strikers by limiting their right to speak with people on the outside as well as by switching off TVs, withholding access to commissary accounts, leaving the lights on all night, and frequently turning off the water.

    The strikers have also been hit by violence. On Thursday, May 28, Kathy O’Leary, from Pax Christi USA, told CBS News, “We started getting calls from inside that the jail guards, 40 of them, were coming through two of the units, beating people with batons and throwing chemical agent canisters into the hallway.”

    Another person said, “It was 1:35 when my husband called me screaming, and all of the guys in there screaming, because they were getting hit.” Several ambulances were seen at the facility.

    Hundreds of protesters have gathered day and night outside the prison gates to express their solidarity with the inmates. A tent has been set up to serve as a “radical hospitality zone,” where relatives and friends of the detainees can gather in relative comfort. Inside, relatives and solidarity activists spoke with the Delaney prisoners by phone and tablets—until the guards cut off their communication devices.

    Beginning on Monday, Memorial Day, ICE agents outside the facility, who are armed with rubber-bullet guns, truncheons, and pepper spray, greatly escalated their violent attacks on the protesters. On that day, U.S. Senator Andy Kim and Governor Mikie Sherrill led a delegation of New Jersey Democratic Party officials who sought to visit the facility. Sherril was denied entry, but Kim, as a member of Congress, was allowed in to speak with the prisoners. After he left the facility, Kim was hit by tear gas and pepper bombs as the ICE operatives attacked. “Instead of engaging with me and others about the poor conditions, ICE sent in an armored vehicle and a line of armed agents that only poured gasoline on the fire,” Kim posted on social media after Monday’s clashes.

    News reports and video have shown scenes of protesters being struck repeatedly with truncheons, thrown to the ground, and hosed with pepper spray. Late Wednesday night, May 27, as photographed by AMNY and other news media and by phone cameras, an ICE agent threw a person into the path of a moving truck, which ran over his leg. Another agent then pushed a second man between the wheels of the truck; the protester narrowly missed being crushed.

    Delaney Hall, part of the growing network of ICE detention centers, contains 1000 beds and is run by the GEO Group, a private and for-profit prison firm, which has a 15-year, $1 billion contract to run the complex. It is a warehouse-type building set next to rows of oil tanks in a bleak industrial neighborhood along the Passaic River. The Essex County Correctional Facility is just up the street.

    The strike by the Delaney Hall detainees, and the ICE attacks on solidarity activists outside the building, have received national attention. President Trump, while ignoring the reports of extreme violence by ICE agents, remarked, “These aren’t protesters; these people are fake, they’re all paid for.”

    At a May 27 cabinet meeting with Homeland Security Secretary Markwayne Mullin, Trump boasted, “We run the finest [migrant detention] facilities anywhere in the world of their type.” Mullin similarly downplayed the accounts of squalid conditions at Delaney, while insisting, “This isn’t the Holiday Inn.”

    Shut down Delaney Hall! Freedom for the detainees! Abolish ICE!

    A Letter From Delaney Hall: “Don’t Give Up!“

    Date: May 26, 2026

    Location: Delaney Hall Detention Facility – ICE

    Communique

    We, the detainees at the Delaney Hall Detention Facility, wish to express our objection to the violation of our rights as immigrant human beings. We, the detainees, are demanding our progressive release, based on the fact that our arrests were illegal; immigrants to this country have the right to await our pending immigration proceedings outside of prison; therefore, we demand to be released on bond or parole so that we may complete our proceedings.

    Furthermore, we call for greater efficiency in our judicial processes, as well as greater effectiveness and urgency for those who request and sign their voluntary release; we believe it is unjust to keep people who wish to leave of their own free will in custody for up to three months.

    In addition to the unlawful and forced detention of most of us who find ourselves locked up here, there is the inhumane treatment that all detainees in this facility endure on a daily basis. The company in charge (GEO) fails to meet the basic conditions necessary to protect our health and our lives. To their administrative incompetence, we must add the following injustices and irregularities perpetrated by ICE and GEO:

    • Food containing worms or in a state of decay.
    • Unresolved issues, particularly regarding the bathrooms, which are in terrible and inhumane condition.
    • Ventilation problems.
    • Serious health issues: most people have a persistent flu with phlegm that won’t go away; many have conjunctivitis, urinary tract infections, fever, and coughs.
    • Medical care issues:
      • If you’re sick, you have to submit a request that takes two weeks to be answered—or you never get a response at all.
      • Nurses refuse to treat you right away
      • They only prescribe Tylenol for all ailments
      • The nurses’ exact words: “We’re not a PHARMACY”
    • ICE agents coerce detainees into signing deportation orders
    • There is no emergency protocol: in cases of falls or attacks, emergency response arrives an hour late
    • Judges’ rulings are highly questionable; most bond requests are denied without legal basis
    • Detainees are forced to work, in most cases without pay, or for $1 an hour
      We appreciate the support of everyone who is protesting outside the facility. We want you to know that you give us the strength and determination to keep going. Please, DON’T GIVE UP!
      We ask all relevant authorities for an urgent response and look forward to hearing from them. With the utmost respect, the detainees at the Delaney Hall facility.God bless you!

    Top photo: ICE agent outside Delaney Hall pushes an immigration solidarity protester under a moving truck on the night of May 27. (Dean Moses / AMNY)

  • Trump is met by protesters at Coast Guard Academy

    By TABITHA MAE

    On the morning of May 20, approximately 200 residents of New London, Conn., and surrounding areas met on the grass of McKinley Park, just outside of the U.S. Coast Guard Academy (U.S.G.C.). Most were seen carrying various signs in protest of the arrival of President Donald Trump, who was scheduled as the commencement speaker for the U.S.C.G. graduation.

    Though there were 10-15 members of the crowd who were touting their MAGA hats and garb, these counter-protesters were largely drowned out by chants about removing Trump from office, about democracy, and about freedom for Palestine. Also in attendance were a number of Secret Service agents and a heavy police presence from surrounding departments. While the police remained largely in the role of observers, Secret Service agents were questioning any member of the crowd who held a sign or displayed on their clothing the phrase “8647,”  a reference to Trump’s removal from office that is often distorted to be seen as a call to violence.

    This gathering at McKinley Park on the day of the U.S.C.G. commencement was nothing new to New London. For over 25 years, protests against the U.S. war industry and military complex have gathered here to demonstrate, often with specific calls to action depending on the invited commencement speaker. While Trump can be viewed as part of the most recent iteration of a trend of world capitalist leaders who put forth authoritarian policies, he is far from the first U.S. president to be bestowed such a description. Many Americans are still not tuned in or are just newly learning the structural issues that necessitate leaders like Trump, and supporters of them, to be bred and leached into American politics.

    This demonstration, too, was the most recent iteration of a longstanding day of protest. Historically, many of the protesters have been veterans who had grown to be staunchly antiwar.

    But, things were different this year. The agenda of this administration and their bulldozing of safeguards on the way to achieving it have made it hard for people to ignore the speed at which human and Constitutional rights are being attacked and trampled. Because of this, there was a shared urgency across networks in Connecticut and Rhode Island to form a coalition. Titled “Unify & Resist”, the grassroots coalition was formed by 14 separate groups, ranging in size and ideology. Groups present in the network included 50501, New London Civil Liberties Defense, New London Immigrant Defense, ‘Lil Rhody Visibility Brigade, and the Working Families Party (NL).

    Despite minute differences in hopes for the day, delegates from these groups worked to create messaging that would be effective. In this core group, a decision was made to be positioned principally on a congratulatory attitude towards the cadets graduating from the U.S.C.G. Academy, while pushing an emphasis on Constitutional protection, sharing the message to “Remember your oath.” Zines were created and distributed to cadets and cadet families, an action that met with a positive response from recipients. Inside, readers could find support services for military members who felt they had received unlawful orders or have ethical dilemmas with orders given. Article 92 and the U.S. v. Calley case (regarding the May Lai massacre by U.S. soldiers in Vietnam) were featured—marking the regulation and historical precedent for the execution of unlawful orders.

    Next steps emphasized by the zine included joining the efforts to de-ICE Citizens Bank, which has provided over $2.5 billion for the construction of detention camps and the financing of for-profit prison corporations, and suggesting that readers support groups like Veterans for Peace.

    Points highlighted by many were the current endeavors of the U.S. military in Palestine, Iran, Latin America, and globally, and the pursuit of an agenda to trample rights domestically. The U.S.C.G. has been called into action off the coast of Venezuela through Operation Southern Spear, an operation responsible for the deaths of around 340 people, including fishermen. They were killed in what the Trump regime cites as an attack on sea-based drug trafficking and to promote the restoration of security in the Western Hemisphere, but sentiment is growing amongst the public that the attacks were imperialist in nature. While representatives like Connecticut Democrat Jim Himes have spoken out against Operation Southern Spear, fundamentally no one in Congress poses a real opposition to Trump’s foreign policy. Through this operation, the Coast Guard has also helped surveil and seize two oil tankers.

    The crowds gathered in New London were well aware of Trump’s use of armed forces to further his agenda, his illegal reallocation of funding to satisfy political goals, and his subversion of the separation of powers—a return to gunboat diplomacy, as outlined in Trump’s national security strategy.

    At the protest were calls to support the LGBTQ+ community, with a primary emphasis on the protection of transgender Americans, who have been targets of a slew of rampant policy changes putting them in direct danger.  A strong anti-ICE sentiment was present, too, which came at no surprise considering the prevalence of immigrant members in the New London community. There were a number of signs, flags, and tee-shirts stressing Trump’s connection to Jeffrey Epstein and repeated denial of the glaringly evident, longstanding, and intimate ties. Of course, the recognition of the harms of capitalism and the exploitation of the working class were steady themes, with a number of people holding “Tax the rich” signs.

    The participant turnout for the May 20 demonstration was less than anticipated by organizers, and certainly less than hoped for, likely because of a combination of factors, including the timing of an early weekday event, the guidelines set by the Secret Service that limited movement in and around New London, and the short timeline from the announcement of Trump’s arrival to the time of the action. On that same note, though, despite any anticipations, it can be seen as a success for this region that the park was still filled with a crowd, even with the aforementioned obstacles.

    The event garnered significant local media coverage, with reporters beginning to issue preliminary coverage and interviews on the day before. Teams from local chapters of NBC, WFSB, and Fox were amongst the crowd of reporters, and articles were issued by a New London newsroom, The Day, and in the Hartford Courant. This coverage, though, was limited to short sound bites or a few quoted sentences that, while accurate to the messaging of the demonstration, did not nearly capture the range of dissatisfaction and anger that was visible—and audible—that day. Luckily, from news stations and individuals alike, videos and photographs are circulating, showing the energy of the day and the array of messaging present.

    A further facet of success for the demonstration on May 20 is a shared remembrance, for many organizers and participants alike, of the importance of coalition building to support the common goal of reinvigorating the working class, empowering each other to use our collective power for protecting and promoting civil liberties, human rights, and quality of life.

    A collaborative effort grew out of the need of local community members to make a stance against the Trump administration, the purposeful degradation of democracy, and for the dangers of capitalism and needlessness of foreign wars. To truly make an impactful mobilization of working-class Americans, we must be united in numbers and unified in voice.

    While a couple of hundred people gathered in New London is a local success, it is a drop in the bucket compared to the scale of widespread engagement necessary to catalyze true change. The protest at McKinley Park is a step in the right direction, and we must move forward with both vigilance and determination toward collective movement with actionable demands.

  • Colombia: Letter from Carolina Garzón’s mother to President Petro

    On April 28, 2012, Carolina Garzón Ardila disappeared while on vacation with classmates in Quito, Ecuador. Born in Colombia, Carolina was a student at the District University of Bogotá and a committed political activist and member of the Colombian Socialist Workers’ Party (PST). From the very beginning, the investigation into Carolina’s disappearance was botched. With no advance by investigators, Carolina’s family, friends, and comrades in the PST came together to demand serious investigation and intervention by the authorities in both Ecuador and Colombia to find answers in Carolina’s case.

    Under each new administration in both Ecuador and Colombia, Carolina’s loved ones and comrades have redoubled their efforts to put pressure on the governments to seriously investigate and determine Carolina’s whereabouts. This letter (reprinted below) by Carolina’s mother, who has spearheaded the campaign, demands that Colombia’s President Gustavo Petro step up where past governments have refused.

    Petro’s election as the first self-described leftist president in Colombian history raised hopes among Colombians that the crime of disappearances would finally be addressed. Petro has publicly supported various efforts to locate the more than 100,000 disappeared persons in Colombia as part of his larger peace plan meant to end the half-century war in the countryside between leftist guerrilla groups, far-right paramilitaries and death squads, and the reactionary Colombian state to achieve truth and reconciliation. Despite these pledges, however, Petro and his administration have yet to acknowledge or act on Carolina’s case. 

    The search for answers in Carolina’s case is not an outlier. Throughout Latin America, disappearances of political activists as well as violence against women have been a core point of social struggle for decades. The campaign for justice for Carolina is part of a much broader fight to stop the violence, impunity, and coverups that constitute the norm under both dictatorships and democracies throughout the region. — EDITORS OF WORKERS’ VOICE

    *****

    My daughter, Carolina Garzón, disappeared in Quito, Ecuador, on 28 April 2012, while she was on holiday with classmates from the District University of Bogotá, where she was studying. Aged 22, she was a student activist and a member of the Socialist Workers’ Party (PST).

    The presidents of Ecuador and Colombia at that time were Rafael Correa and Juan Manuel Santos, respectively. We met with officials in both countries: President Correa in his office in Quito, and President Santos through his foreign minister.

    The Correa administration approved a reward of $20,000 for information leading to the discovery of my daughter’s whereabouts, and the prosecutors’ offices of both countries coordinated their efforts.

    However, after the change in presidents—Lenín Moreno in Ecuador and Iván Duque in Colombia—there was no interest on their part in the case of my daughter’s disappearance. Every April 28 for the past 14 years, we have gone to the Colombian Foreign Ministry in an attempt to speak with whoever is in office and request assistance from the Colombian government in coordinating with the Ecuadorian government.

    We did not expect anything from President Duque; as a staunch supporter of Uribe, we knew he had no interest in victims of disappearances, especially student activists and members of left-wing organizations. However, after more than three years, we have received no support from his government, despite expecting at least to be heard. When we go to the Foreign Ministry to seek assistance, they simply tell us to put it in writing.

    Senator and presidential candidate Iván Cepeda, as a member of the Movement of Victims of State Crimes (Movice), has also been following my daughter’s case, as have organizations such as the José Alvear Restrepo Collective and Senator Alirio Uribe.

    Once again, and perhaps for the last time during your administration, my family and the PST hope that you will listen to us, either directly or through your Foreign Minister. The officials who have headed the Foreign Ministry do not know the pain of having a loved one go missing. You, however, having experienced it with your comrades in the M-19, will understand.

    Sincerely,

    Alix Mery Ardila

    Bogotá, 28 April 2026

    First published here in Spanish by the PST (Colombia)

  • Mifepristone ruling means a huge fight ahead 

    By CHRISTINE MARIE

    On May 14, the U.S. Supreme Court “kicked the can down the road” on medical abortion, saving some votes for Trump cronies in the mid-term elections but signaling to the rest of us that tele-health prescribing of mifepristone remains in danger. The Court decided that a lower-court decision from Louisiana that required patients, including those living in states with complete abortion bans, to visit a doctor’s office to get a mifepristone prescription would remain “paused.”  In the meantime, the issue would continue to be litigated in the lower courts and the part of the Republican base that remains pro-abortion would not be stirred up before voting. This maneuver has allowed the high court to expediently delay, but be ready use its powers to further erode the availability of reproductive health care when it is more politically convenient.

     Simultaneously, on another front, the MAGA-run Food and Drug Administration, or FDA, is slow-walking an unnecessary and highly suspect review of mifepristone’s safety that is expected to provide the right-wing opponents of reproductive justice more ammunition. Mifepristone is one-half of a first trimester medical abortion regimen that also includes the drug misoprotol, and has been proven safe after wide use. On March 25, 2024, The New York Times reviewed more than 100 scientific studies “spanning continents and decades” that found this practice safe.

     MAGA action has not yet been successful in reducing the total number of people who have been able to access abortion. Twenty-two states and Washington, D.C., where abortion remains legal, have enacted shield laws that offer some kind of protection to providers and patients in their jurisdiction from out-of-state law enforcement. States, providers, and abortion funds have been stocking up on supplies to prepare for a total ban. Because mifepristone is part of the preferred medical practice, but not absolutely essential for medical abortion, providers are preparing protocols for medical abortions using only misoprotol, a drug whose use is not currently under siege.

    Yet, the Society for Maternal-Fetal Medicine has found that women in states with five or more abortion restrictions have had higher rates of maternal death than those states with fewer restrictions. Maternal death is strongly correlated with bans on Medicaid funding for abortion, ACA insurance coverage bans, mandated waiting periods, ultrasound requirements, biased counseling laws, and second trimester abortion bans.  The Gender Policy Institute reports that mothers living in states that banned abortion were nearly two times as likely to die during pregnancy, childbirth, or soon after giving birth. Black women in banned states are three times as likely to die in these circumstances. In Texas, maternal mortality rose 56% in the first full year of that state’s abortion ban.

    With unintended irony, on May 10, 2024, the day designated “Mother’s Day” in the U.S., the Department of Health and Human Services launched a website called “Moms.gov.” This new government service directs women “who are navigating difficult or unexpected pregnancies” to crisis pregnancy centers, or what feminists call “fake clinics.” These centers try to scare or shame women out of seeking abortions under the guise of support.

    The handwriting is on the wall. MAGA forces hope to use their new authoritarian powers to gut reproductive health care and control of their bodies by people who can get pregnant. When fully unleashed, these forces intend to end not only abortion access but hormonal birth control and in vitro fertilization. According to journalist Emily Amick, the conservative women’s media outlet Evie Magazine, backed by far-right tech billionaire Peter Thiel, averages one anti-birth-control article per month. The new Heritage Foundation report called “Saving America by Saving the Family” argues for replacing science-backed infertility treatments like IVF with the ideologically-loaded practice of “restorative reproductive medicine“ (RRM). To ensure population growth, the “Saving the Family“ report even advocates taking student loans away from women so that they do not delay childbirth by trying to get an undergraduate college degree or establish a career.

     The sheer scale and completeness of the MAGA vision for ending individual control over reproduction must be absorbed. The far right, flush with new political power, is beginning the fight for a national natal policy. They are proposing  to fund measures that stimulate the growth of a regressive patriarchal family birthing and raising children who will thrive in an authoritarian society.

    Only a truly mass movement, in the streets, and daily organizing new millions to struggle for a reproductive justice can effectively defeat this reactionary drive. Women’s organizations that subordinate our struggle to a Democratic Party electoral strategy oppose this mass action strategy, but they must be overcome, first by local organizing and then by local grassroots groups connecting to build an independent national movement. Let’s begin.

    Photo: AFP / Getty Images

  • Palestine: Ben-Gvir is no exception

    By SORAYA MISLEH

    Abominable. Unacceptable. Despicable. Deplorable. Unconscionable. Barbaric. Degrading. Intolerable. These were some of the indignant adjectives uttered by governments around the world in the global condemnation of the macabre spectacle staged by Zionist Minister Ben-Gvir against the international activists of the Global Sumud Flotilla, which made headlines on May 20. But, contrary to how it is presented, he is not an exception; he is a true face of the Zionist state.

    The leaders of the genocidal state of Israel felt the impact of the international crisis and, in a gesture as desperate as it is hypocritical and ridiculous, they tried to distance themselves from the man who, in their service directs the murders and torture of Palestinians in the dungeons of the Zionist state, as well as the state’s repressive apparatus, which includes increasingly arming criminal settlers to kill more in the West Bank, for example. And little by little, solidarity lays bare what the Palestinian resistance never tires of exposing: the brutal nature of a racist colonial project.

    Seeking to please the domestic audience and perhaps vie for the position of prime minister in the snap elections following the dissolution of Parliament, which was unanimously approved by the Zionist legislature on the 20th, Ben-Gvir released a bizarre video, as is his custom. He had already done so many times while “overseeing” the treatment of Palestinian political prisoners—whether it was already bad enough or needed to get worse. So confident in Israel’s impunity that he now directed the cameras to show the escalated violence against the international activists on the flotilla.

    In it, he appears as the overseer of the humiliation and assaults on the 428 international activists from the Global Sumud Flotilla who were violently seized on May 18 and 19 in international waters by the occupying naval forces. Hailing from some 50 countries, the participants were the remnants and reinforcements of the flotilla following the first interception of 22 ships and 181 activists in late April, including the mission’s leaders, the Brazilian Thiago Ávila and the Spanish-Palestinian-Swedish Saif Abukeshek. The treatment was also violent for everyone, with particularly severe torture against the coordinators and their detention for ten days.

    The Zionist “National Security” Minister Ben-Gvir has already visited other activists kidnapped from flotillas last year; this is not the first time, and he always displays a sadistic pleasure in humiliating them. Some dare to shout “Free Palestine,” which costs them further physical and psychological abuse. That is what was seen just now against an Irish woman, whom Ben-Gvir himself shoved to force her to kneel. The scenes are truly bizarre: 428 people forced to kneel, with their heads on the ground and plastic zip ties tightened around their hands.

    As part of the torture, they were forced to listen to the Zionist anthem. “Welcome to Israel!” Ben-Gvir sneered. He was mimicking another minister, Transport Minister Miri Regev, who also posted a video on her social media with the image of the hostages from the flotilla in the background.

    Ignoring that latest video, since it had no impact, the criminal Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu went so far as to say that Ben-Gvir’s actions do not align with “Israel’s values.” Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar was quick to say: “With this shameful display, you have consciously caused harm to our state, and this is not the first time […].” And he added: “You are not the face of Israel.”

    The attempt to reverse the diplomatic crisis and global condemnation—with several countries such as France, Italy, Canada, and the Netherlands announcing they would recall Israeli ambassadors, a gesture of reprimand and a sign of diplomatic discontent—was to present Ben-Gvir as an “extremist,” an exception. Nothing could be further from the truth.

    The face and nature of the genocidal state

    The true face of Israel is plain to see, for anyone who cares to look. The long history of crimes against humanity spanning 78 years of the Nakba (the Palestinian catastrophe) is finally beginning to be known by a wider audience.

    The widely documented genocide against the Palestinians in Gaza over more than 500 days brought that blood-soaked history to light. The Palestinians took it upon themselves to show the world their own martyrdom in real time, aided by new technologies: the refinements of cruelty, with the imposition of hunger, thirst, and a total absence of living conditions; bombings of hospitals, schools, tents, entire residential neighborhoods, sanitation stations, solar panels, universities, churches, mosques—everything. Entire families burned alive and erased from the civil registry, rubble, carnage. Advanced ethnic cleansing in the West Bank, apartheid, and aggressive colonial expansion, with pogroms (violent attacks by Zionist settlers).

    The occupation soldiers felt emboldened to also display their atrocities on social media, mocking and boasting of being perpetrators of genocide. Even a Palestinian who had gone missing amid all the killing was displayed online, blindfolded and put up for sale as a slave.

    Medieval torture methods were also leaked from the Zionist dungeons where 9,600 Palestinians are suffering, including nearly 400 children, with reports of men and women being raped using large objects and attacked with dogs.

    In the resistance’s exchanges of political prisoners, images of the freed Palestinians shocked the world: some had legs amputated due to untreated infections and injuries, others were unrecognizable in their emaciated bodies due to imposed starvation, and many other horrors the world witnessed; and the very same governments that now express outrage over the treatment of the international activists on the Global Sumud Flotilla chose to look the other way. After all, these are Palestinian bodies, and they are not human; they deserve to be killed and tortured.

    Hypocrisy and selective outrage

    Everything is justified. Israel is legitimized to commit atrocities. Its lying propaganda that it is “defending itself”—when it is the colonizer, the occupier—is validated. Thus, the same outraged governments sleep soundly while continuing to be the recipients of deadly technologies to repress, criminalize, and kill the oppressed and exploited in their own countries. Israel remains the attractive shopping center that serves the extermination and genocide of other peoples, such as Indigenous peoples, Black people, and the poor in Brazil. And the Palestinian people function as a human laboratory for testing and developing innovative weapons, drones, and control and surveillance equipment and software.

    The Palestinian resistance, which neither bends nor surrenders, nevertheless shows the way: collective persistence and steadfastness (Sumud). International solidarity reflects and amplifies their voices. And it wears down the Zionist colonial project, accelerating its decline. Governments insist on not supporting them and, aligned with the Zionist lobby, attempt to criminalize and intimidate the defenders of Palestine. But even for these governments, there is a limit.

    Palestinian bodies are fine; it’s normal, it’s trivial. Torture, rape, assaults, broken ribs suffered by international activists from the Global Sumud Flotilla—as evidenced by accounts following the release of the 428 hostages—are unacceptable because they exacerbate the crisis of capitalism in their own countries and generate instability. Fifty-three people had to be hospitalized due to the brutal violence they were subjected to by the occupation—very brutal, but not even 1% of what is inflicted daily on Palestinians—now even with political prisoners facing public hanging under Israeli “law.” Ben-Gvir made a video of the structure with the gallows set up to receive Palestinians and received a birthday cake with a drawing of a gallows made by his wife as a gift. It was all filmed, but the outrage remains selective.

    The Palestinian cause, as the embodiment of just struggles against oppression and exploitation anywhere in the world, exposes the terrorist state of Israel, but it also exposes the hypocrisy of nation-states, whose governments issue statements and condemnations yet refuse to impose sanctions or sever ties with their genocidal ally.

    And so impunity knocks at the door, to the rhythm of the waves of the Global Sumud Flotilla. Israel felt so comfortable seeking the final solution in the ongoing Nakba that it displays its brutal face to the world, even against international observers.

    Historical international complicity has not ceased. Netanyahu rushed to try to distance himself from Ben-Gvir to prevent governments from having no other choice but to take that step.

    Not only him, but also the “liberal wing” of Zionism, whose project is just as racist, colonial, and genocidal, but far from the cameras and the eyes of the world. As key players in the 1948 Nakba, they fear that the “Zionist far right” will bring that project to collapse by revealing to the world the true face and nature of Israel, and they defend it tooth and nail.

    The deepening decline of the colonial project

    But the damage is already done. Israel has lost hearts and minds. A Pew Research Center survey conducted between March 23 and 29 reveals that in the U.S., 60% of Americans hold a negative view of the Zionist state. “Six in ten Americans have a very or somewhat unfavorable view of Israel, an increase of seven percentage points from last year and nearly 20 points since 2022,” it notes. In Europe, it is no different. Nor in Latin America.

    The Palestinian resistance shows the way. And the Global Sumud Flotilla persists. “When governments fail, we sail.” And it keeps coming back, despite the escalating violence against its members. And it affirms: “For Palestine, we will not stop.” It is Israel that must be stopped.

    And solidarity finds new paths. Right now, the Maghreb Sumud Convoy, with nearly 230 participants from 21 countries, is attempting a land crossing to march toward Gaza. It is currently detained and prevented from moving forward, awaiting authorization from Libya. The powerful enemies of the Palestinian cause are revealing themselves. As the Palestinian revolutionary Ghasan Kanafani taught, in addition to imperialism/Zionism, they are: the Arab regimes and the Arab/Palestinian bourgeoisie. But the convoy has already announced that it is determined and will not give up.

    Riding that wave and following those steps, the call is to strengthen the mobilization and take to the streets. Not a moment’s peace for the genocidal state. No normalization of apartheid, genocide, colonization, and ethnic cleansing. Now is the time to ramp up pressure on governments and demand an end to complicity with Israel. It is time to deepen the decline of the Zionist colonial project. Do not stop, never give up, do not feel defeated or intimidated.

    To the participants of the Global Sumud Flotilla, the words expressed in a letter by the Palestinian photojournalist from Gaza, Abdel Rahmann Alkahlout, shared in Portuguese by the Brazilian oil tanker captain Leandro Lanfredi, one of the flotilla’s participants:

    From the mothers of Gaza who fall asleep to the sound of airstrikes,

    From the children who wake up terrified, searching for their parents under the rubble,

    From the journalists who carried a camera in one hand and the remains of their friends in the other,

    From the wounded, from the parents forced to bury their own children with their own hands…

    We write this message to you.

    Perhaps you will never truly understand what it means, for a besieged and abandoned people, to feel that someone was willing to risk their own life for them.

    Perhaps you will never know how the mothers of Gaza wept when they saw your ships sailing toward them, simply because it reminded them that, somewhere in this world, there are still people who see them as human beings.

    In Gaza, we have grown accustomed to being left alone under fire. We have grown accustomed to the world watching our children die and then going on with their lives as if nothing had happened. But you broke that silence.

    You did not carry weapons. You carried a living conscience. You carried dignity for a people whom they tried to starve, isolate, and erase.

    The people of Gaza will never forget those who crossed the sea just to tell them: “We may not be stronger than death, but we refuse to remain silent in the face of it.”

    One day, the children of Gaza will grow up hearing stories of people from all over the world who faced threats, imprisonment, and danger just to knock on the door of a besieged Gaza and say: “You are not alone.”

    Beneath the rubble, the tents, the overcrowded and pain-filled hospitals, and hearts exhausted by loss and siege… thank you for choosing humanity when much of the world chose silence.

    The Palestinian resistance shows the way. And from the rubble of the Nakba, its seeds will blossom, in an unbreakable land that bleeds but refuses to die: A free Palestine from the river to the sea!

    First published here by the IWL

  • Bolivia takes to the streets! Out with Rodrigo Paz!

    By LENA SOUZA

    President Rodrigo Paz Pereira, who took office in Bolivia in November 2025, is facing the deepest political and social crisis of his administration. A massive wave of strikes and roadblocks has brought the country to a near-total standstill.

    Rodrigo Paz’s government launched a package of neoliberal measures and capitulation to imperialism

    Just six months into his term, Rodrigo Paz’s government has implemented a drastic political and economic shift in Bolivia. After ending nearly two decades of so-called “leftist” administrations, his cabinet justified these actions by claiming to have inherited a “broken state.” However, people mobilizing in the streets denounce that his economic agenda undermines national sovereignty, opening the door to extreme free-market policies, privatizations, and excessive alignment with international financial interests.

    The measures

    Popular discontent erupted following the implementation and announcement of severe structural reforms:

    • Elimination of fuel subsidies: This immediately sent diesel and gasoline prices skyrocketing.
    • Importation of contaminated gasoline: Truckers have claimed that the low-quality fuel caused massive engine damage.
    • Inflation crisis and foreign currency shortage: The lack of dollars drove year-over-year inflation to 14%, the highest figure in 40 years.
    • The controversial Land Law (Law 1720): This allowed communal lands and small agricultural properties to be used as bank collateral, sparking fears of mass foreclosures benefiting landowners and bankers.
    • Plans for Constitutional reform: Official announcement of amendments aimed at relaxing legislation and prioritizing foreign private investment.

    The uprising is widespread and calls for the immediate resignation of President Rodrigo Paz

    The uprising encompasses multiple social sectors united in the streets. What began as a list of economic demands has turned into a unanimous call for the resignation of President Rodrigo Paz:

    • Bolivian Workers’ Confederation (COB): on indefinite general strike, demanding real wage increases in the face of devaluation.
    • Peasant and Indigenous Unions: The ‘Túpac Katari’ Federation maintains a total blockade of roads in the Altiplano. Peasants from the Amazon marched on foot for 24 days toward the capital.
    • The Red Ponchos: The historic Aymara indigenous movement from the province of Omasuyos has joined the mass mobilizations through indefinite road blockades, strategic encirclements, and fierce resistance in the Altiplano region and at the main access points to the cities of El Alto and La Paz.
    • Miners and Teachers: Massive columns of miners marched through downtown La Paz, while teachers brought educational activities to a standstill, demanding budget improvements.
    • Marches by social sectors toward the seat of government: Popular formations are walking from Oruro to besiege the capital.

    The government responds with repression and a media blackout

    According to reports from community radio stations in the Altiplano and the alternative media platform La Raíz, state forces are operating under a logic of war against the popular sectors:

    • Military deployment: More than 3,500 armed troops and riot police units were sent to break up the roadblocks.
    • Use of chemical agents: Law enforcement used tear gas at critical points such as southern La Paz and Río Seco (El Alto).
    • Criminalization and fatalities: Human rights organizations, the Ombudsman’s Office, and community correspondents on the front lines report at least 4 deaths and 57 civilians detained in recent interventions. Among those reported killed by grassroots groups is a Mallku (indigenous authority) from the Taraco region, allegedly shot during the operations to clear the blockades.
    • Censorship and media blackout: Alternative media outlets denounce the existence of a media blackout by traditional television networks, which criminalize the protests, forcing communities to resort to community digital broadcasts to spread the harsh reality of the clashes.
    • Legal persecution: The president publicly warned that protesters who block roads or destroy state property “will go to jail,” accusing the protests of being a criminal plot to destabilize democracy.

    Current situation

    As of today, May 17, 2026, Bolivia is experiencing crucial hours of extreme tension:

    • Humanitarian Corridor and Withdrawal: Following fierce clashes where protesters resisted with stones and homemade explosives, the government ordered a partial withdrawal of the military. Security forces are attempting to force open corridors to allow the entry of medical oxygen and food.
    • Critical shortages: The cities of La Paz and El Alto are suffering from severe shortages of fuel, basic foodstuffs, and medical supplies due to roadblocks.
    • Closure of land borders: Transportation access to the interior of the country, Peru, and Chile remains completely blocked.
    • Call for conditional dialogue: Due to the crisis, the government signed the repeal of the controversial land law to appease the peasants and called for an emergency “productive dialogue” with the COB. However, the main union and indigenous movement bases maintain that pressure tactics will not be lifted until the underlying economic crisis is resolved or Rodrigo Paz is removed from the presidential palace.

    References:

    • Bolivia le declara la huelga general al presidente Rodrigo Paz – teleSUR
    • El presidente de Bolivia anuncia una comisión para impulsar una reforma parcial a la Constitución | CNN
    • Bolivia: Evo Morales denuncia plan de asesinato orquestado por EE.UU. – teleSUR
    • Paz denuncia intentos de ‘desmontar’ la democracia y advierte cárcel para impulsores – La Razón
    • «Para detenerme o matarme»: Evo Morales acusa que EEUU ordenó al Gobierno de Bolivia ejecutar una operación militar en su contra – El Ciudadano
    • Crisis en Bolivia: las claves de los conflictos que amenazan la estabilidad del gobierno de Rodrigo Paz – Infobae
    • Rodrigo Paz cede ante la marcha indígena y elimina la polémica ley de tierras en Bolivia ¿Qué pasa en Bolivia? Las claves de las protestas que exigen la renuncia del presidente Rodrigo Paz Reportes de represión en El Alto y Altiplano Boliviano – Plataforma de Comunicación Comunitaria La Raíz (Ecuador/América Latina)
    • Live reporting from barricades – Red de Radios Comunitarias de Bolivia, and local correspondents

    First published here in Spanish by the IWL

  • Türkiye: Our promise to Akın will be revolution!

    By MARXISM NOW! EDITORIAL BOARD

    May 20th marks the 30th anniversary of the death of Akın Reçber; the Fourth Red Rose (Turkish: Dördüncü Kızıl Gülü) of May Day 1996, who died on May 20, 1996, as a result of the brutal torture he endured in police custody.

    The Road to May Day 1996

    In Kadıköy Square, major preparations had been made for a new act of defiance on May Day 1996. The 12 September 1980 military coup had launched a massive assault against revolutionaries and the working class, banning May Day celebrations

     altogether. May Day 1996 would become the first mass May Day demonstration held after years of repression. It would be a May Day showing clearly that, despite the darkness of September 12 military dictatorship, the struggle had continued and grown stronger: through the Spring Actions of 1989, the 1991 march of the Zonguldak miners, the Kurdish people continuing to fill the streets and squares, the resis

    tance built by Istanbul University students through the Student Coordination movement, and the determination of revolutionaries who kept resisting despite executions, forced disappearances, torture, and massacres carried out from the cities to the villages across the country.

    May Day 1996, Kadıköy

    Those seeking to maintain the darkness hanging over Türkiye in 1996 launched an attack to break the determined forces of more than one hundred thousand revolutionaries flooding into Kadıköy. Kemal Yazıcıoğlu, one of the chief agents of the September 12 military dictatorship and then Istanbul Police Chief, made radio announcements later entered into official records: “Today there will be bloodshed. We’ll show those sons of b******… They will never be able to breathe again…” These statements clearly revealed the intent and premeditation behind the massacre of revolutionaries.

    At the very beginning of the demonstration, around seven in the morning, police opened fire after provoking an argument at a police checkpoint where the participants were gathering. Eighteen-year-old Hasan Albayrak and another eighteen-year-old, Dursun Odabaşı, were killed in the attack. Near the end of the demonstration, Levent Yalçın, the father of a child, was also murdered by gunfire from nearby buildings. Following the killing of these three revolutionaries, police detained hundreds of demonstrators in and around the square, both officially and unofficially, taking them into custody to be tortured.

    The Fourth Red Rose of May Day 1996: Akın Reçber

    Akın Reçber was a young revolutionary from the working class neighbourhood of Şentepe, Ankara. He had come to Istanbul together with other revolutionaries to participate in the mass May Day demonstration. After the demonstration ended, while his comrades collectively returned to Ankara, Akın stayed behind to go to his older brother’s home in Istanbul. He was detained at the bus stop where he was waiting.

    For ten days, Akın was subjected to severe torture in police custody. When he was finally released, he said: “I was tortured brutally, but I did not speak.” However, the torture had severely damaged his lungs. After returning to Ankara, doctors failed to diagnose his condition in time, and on May 20, 1996, he died at only eighteen years old.

    Despite the brutal torture he endured, Akın Reçber resisted to the end, and for thirty years his courage and determination have continued to live on in our struggle.

    We salute the martyrs of May Day 1996; Hasan Albayrak, Dursun Odabaşı, Levent Yalçın, and Akın Reçber, along with all martyrs of the revolution.

    Their Memory Will Live On in Our Struggle! Our Promise to Akın Will Be Revolution!

    First published here by Marksizm Şimdi!

  • What does unconditional support for the Palestinian liberation struggle mean?

    How do we defend Palestine unconditionally under bourgeois democracy?

    By FLORENCE OPPEN

    Over the past three years, we have witnessed an intensification of the criminalization of the Palestine solidarity movement on an international scale. This offensive is not limited to Western imperialist centers: it is also advancing in countries like Brazil and Argentina, where governments, parliaments, and institutions have been adopting repressive measures—ranging from the persecution of activists to attempts to equate anti-Zionism with anti-Semitism and to restrict campaigns like BDS.

    This dynamic cannot be understood as a purely “national” phenomenon. It is a coordinated offensive driven by imperialist pressure, particularly from the United States, which seeks to ensure the maintenance of Israel as a strategic colonial enclave in the Middle East. Within the framework of inter-imperialist rivalries, the defense of Israel becomes a central pillar of U.S. foreign policy, which translates into direct and indirect pressure on dependent states and allies to repress solidarity with the Palestinian struggle.

    In light of this, an immediate strategic question arises: how can we defend unconditional support for the Palestinian liberation struggle—including the right to resistance—within the space of bourgeois democracy, especially when the government seeks precisely to suppress that support? The answer lies neither in adapting to the rules of the game nor in an abstract rejection of the legal arena. It is possible—and necessary—to use the very contradictions of bourgeois democracy against it. How can revolutionaries and those in solidarity with the Palestinian struggle use the formal freedoms of bourgeois democracy—freedom of speech, assembly, and the press; due process of law—to defend the right to self-determination, which includes, as the UN itself recognizes, “the struggle by all available means, including armed struggle”?

    This is the central contradiction we face. On the one hand, liberal democracies have been passing laws that equate anti-Zionism with anti-Semitism, criminalizing BDS, banning slogans like “from the river to the sea,” and persecuting activists. On the other hand, we know that abandoning the legal arena means abandoning the working class and the youth to repression without defense. This article argues that it is possible—and necessary—to use the mechanisms of bourgeois democracy against the very limits of that democracy, in a strategy of legal defense that exposes the system’s hypocrisy and prepares the class for future confrontations.

    Unconditional support for liberation struggles

    The historical position of Marxism has been to give unconditional support to the national liberation struggles of the oppressed. Unconditional support for liberation struggles—which does not mean uncritical support, much less political support for their leaderships—stems from a materialist analysis of the nature of states and the class forces at play.

    Regrettably, this position is abandoned by various leftist or socialist currents, especially in the case of Palestine, but also in Ukraine. In the case of Palestine, this has to do with the racist, pro-imperialist, and colonialist nature of the State of Israel, which is engaged in a genocidal war against the Palestinians, and with its reactionary role in the region.

    Any defeat of Israel and any victory of the Palestinian and Arab masses against it can only have one progressive outcome: the strengthening and acceleration of the struggles of the oppressed in the region until total liberation.

    Unconditional support, however, must not be confused with a refusal to act within the realm of bourgeois institutions. On the contrary: Marxists have always used parliaments, courts, and formal freedoms as platforms to expose the nature of the enemy and defend the oppressed—not because they believed in “bourgeois democracy,” but because the struggle for immediate democratic rights is an inseparable part of the struggle for revolution.

    In the case of Palestine and other national liberation struggles, it is useful to expose the sheer hypocrisy of the UN and Western liberal ideology. The 1990 UN General Assembly Resolution on the right of peoples to self-determination affirmed: “the legitimacy of the struggle of peoples for independence, territorial integrity, national unity, and liberation from colonial domination, apartheid, and foreign occupation by all available means, including armed struggle.” [1]However, the UN was the very same entity that created and legitimized the State of Israel in the first place, and which has continually defended its existence. Furthermore, the countries that control the UN are the first to criminalize, by all means, the Palestinian resistance and its supporters. Similarly, we must denounce the fact that, despite the ICC’s indictment of Israel for its ongoing genocide and war crimes, Western imperialism’s support and aid to Israel have not diminished.

    Criminalization of the resistance and legal defense

    Unconditional support begins with actively fighting against the criminalization of the resistance movement. This is realized through a commitment to defending all those involved in the struggle for justice in Palestine, everywhere, but especially in imperialist centers, where the rights to freedom of expression and assembly are increasingly restricted and new laws and regulations are being implemented to criminalize the growing solidarity movement. It also means opposing calls to condemn the actions of the Palestinian resistance and the demand that they adopt nonviolent tactics in the face of a violent state condemned for war crimes and genocide by the UN and international law. Such demands reinforce old colonial, Orientalist, and Islamophobic stereotypes that portray resistance movements against colonial violence as “savage,” “uncivilized,” and “terrorist.”

    The work of defending against repression is best carried out through united-front campaigns to defend democratic rights and by drawing on the policies tested and developed by the revolutionary movement over the past century.

    As James Cannon argued in Socialism on Trial (1965), it is in our interest to use “defensive formulations,” that is, to show “that the bourgeoisie takes the initiative in violence and does not allow for peaceful change,” because, by refocusing on the social and political origins of violence in the capitalist state and explaining the political nature of the struggle, it is possible to build the broadest support for our struggle among workers, educate new layers of the population on the question of Palestine, encouraging them to join our movement, and expose the hypocrisy of liberal democracies. [2]Defensive formulations also helped prepare workers for future clashes with the state: “We advise workers to bear this in mind and prepare to defend themselves against the violence of the reactionary and outdated class minority.” [3]That is, they help us train our movement in the working class’s methods of self-defense, to move beyond spontaneous and individual initiatives and, instead, implement broad, democratic, and collective preparation for self-defense measures.

    This approach to defensive formulations is the key to acting within the framework of bourgeois democracy without falling into either reformism (believing that laws can deliver justice) or sectarianism (rejecting any legal engagement). When we defend an activist imprisoned for shouting “from the river to the sea,” we do not ask the judge for permission to exist. We demonstrate, based on the very principles of the defense, that repression is selective, that freedoms are formally guaranteed but materially denied to Palestinians and those who stand in solidarity with them; and, in doing so, we educate the working class about the class-based nature of the state.

    We must denounce the false equivalence

    The content of our defensive propaganda stems from the denunciation of the false equivalence between the actions of the oppressed and the oppressor and, worse still, the campaign that portrays the victim as the aggressor. These narratives are created by imperialist governments and disseminated by the corporate media and certain liberals on the left. The task of Marxists is precisely to explain that the actions of October 2023 were fundamentally defensive, even though the Palestinian resistance appeared to be the tactical “initiator” of armed violence. This is because the structural violence of the colonizer’s colonialism—the siege, the expropriation of land, the daily killings, the denial of basic rights—already constituted a state of permanent war imposed on the Palestinians.

    Even before Oct. 7, Gaza was undergoing a methodical strangulation: since 2007, Israel has controlled the airspace, territorial waters, border crossings, population registration, and access to drinking water, food, electricity, and medical care. This blockade, denounced by human rights organizations as a collective siege and mass punishment, had already turned Gaza into the world’s largest open-air prison.

    As Leon Trotsky recalls in his writings on World War I: “A defensive war is one waged by an oppressed nation against an oppressor nation. Every national war, when it is a matter of self-defense against a foreign enemy, is just from the point of view of the oppressed. But a war is never defensive for the ruling class; it is always imperialist. The decisive question is not who fired the first shot, but who benefits from the existing order and who is fighting to break it.” [4] Therefore, refusing to reduce resistance to an abstract act of “initial violence” is to understand that the asymmetry lies not only in military means, but also in the very right to exist.

    The famous scene from Gillo Pontecorvo’s The Battle of Algiers (1966) captures with surgical precision the moral hypocrisy that always accompanies colonial wars. When a journalist asks the revolutionary leader Ben M’Hidi if it isn’t “cowardly” to use women’s baskets to hide explosives that kill civilians, he replies: “And don’t you think it’s even more cowardly to drop napalm bombs on defenseless villages, where there are a thousand times more innocent victims? Of course, if we had your planes, it would be much easier for us. Give us your bombers and you can keep our baskets.” This exchange exposes the false symmetry that the dominant discourse attempts to impose: on one side, the “civilized” violence of the State, with its armies and arsenals of mass destruction; on the other, the “savage” or “terrorist” violence of the colonized, who use the primitive means at their disposal—baskets, bandages, slingshots, or homemade rockets.

    The question of the “legitimacy” of methods is never posed to those who possess the technology of industrialized death, only to those who resist with scraps and leftovers. As Ben M’Hidi makes clear, the fair exchange would be: the right to symmetrical self-defense. As long as that is not possible, demanding that the oppressed abandon their “baskets” while the oppressor retains their “bombers” is not pacifism: it is complicity with domination.

    Giving unconditional support to Palestinian liberation efforts means opposing any demand that conditions or restricts solidarity with the oppressed’s methods of struggle, especially when such calls are nothing more than the amplification, within the movement, of the ideological war that the imperialist oppressor wages against the oppressed.

    Defending the right to self-determination means defending it “by all available means” in Western parliaments and courts; it means, in practice, fighting against the criminalization of solidarity. It means introducing bills to overturn anti-BDS laws, preventing the adoption of the IHRA definition in universities and public bodies, and demanding compliance with the decisions of the ICJ and the ICC—not because the international legal system is just, but because exposing its selectivity (Israel tried and unpunished) is a weapon of agitation.

    Acting in the cracks of bourgeois democracy: tactics for solidarity 

    The practical question arising from all this is: what to do today, as repressive laws advance in the imperialist centers? The answer has four interrelated components.

    1. Aggressive and educational legal defense of our rights

    It is not just about posting bail or hiring lawyers. It is about using every trial as a public platform to explain why solidarity with Palestine is not a crime and to organize an independent movement of support in the streets and in the workplaces. To this end, Cannon’s tactic of “defensive formulations”—which consists of turning the accused into the accuser of the state—helps to politicize and broaden the struggles. When an activist is prosecuted for “apology for terrorism” or for using the slogan “from the river to the sea,” the defense must demonstrate that the true state terrorism is that of Israel—supported by the West with weapons, funding, and diplomatic cover. Every acquittal, every reduced sentence, every favorable ruling is a crack in the wall of repression and a lesson for the working class on how the “legal” system protects the oppressor and punishes the oppressed.

    2. Broad and unified campaigns for democratic freedoms

    The best defense of solidarity with Palestine is the defense of freedom of expression for everyone. That is why it is tactically correct to form broad fronts with liberals, unions, and human rights organizations around concrete demands: rejecting the IHRA (International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance) definition in universities and public institutions; preventing the passage of anti-BDS laws; overturning convictions of activists; defeating bills that equate anti-Zionism with anti-Semitism. These campaigns demonstrate, in practice, that the common enemy is not “the Jews,” but the racist State of Israel and the censorship that protects said state. As recently demonstrated in New York (revocation of the executive order adopting the IHRA) and in New Jersey (defeat of bill A3558), it is possible to win battles within the realm of bourgeois democracy when broad coalitions are built.

    3. Denouncing the double standards of bourgeois democracy

    Bourgeois democracy applies the law selectively.

    We must denounce the fact that the state does not comply with its own laws and that Western governments do not treat Russia and Israel with the same rigor: if there are sanctions against Russia for the invasion of Ukraine, why are there no sanctions against Israel for genocide and occupation? We must also highlight the need for national courts to comply with the decisions of the ICJ and the ICC.

    In the case of Palestine, the situation is very serious. The truly powerful anti-Semites are rarely prosecuted, while anti-Zionists are criminalized through false accusations. Michael Ferro (U.S.), former president of Tribune Publishing, was recorded speaking of a “Jewish cabal” that controlled Los Angeles.

    He faced no criminal charges. Jürgen Möllemann (Germany), vice-chairman of the Free Democratic Party, campaigned with explicit anti-Semitic statements; prosecutors dismissed the complaint against him. Elon Musk (U.S.) publicly endorsed an anti-Semitic conspiracy theory (according to which Jewish communities promote “hatred against whites”), was condemned by the White House, saw his X platform flooded with hate speech, and threatened to sue the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) for calling out this rise in anti-Semitism — but has not faced any criminal charges.

    Meanwhile, Palestinian activists and their allies in Europe and North America are routinely accused of anti-Semitism for expressing solidarity with Palestine, while actual white supremacists do not face the same consequences. College students in the U.S. and the U.K. have been suspended or lost their jobs for protesting the genocide in Gaza. Academics in Europe have been fired for supporting the academic boycott of Israel (BDS) or for criticizing Zionism, without any evidence of anti-Semitism. This selectivity reveals the class character of bourgeois justice.

    Conclusion

    Defending the Palestinian people’s right to self-determination—by all means, including armed struggle—within the framework of bourgeois democracy is a contradictory task, but not an impossible one. It requires theoretical clarity to avoid falling into reformism (believing that laws can deliver justice) or sectarianism (rejecting any legal compromise). It requires courage to use the platforms of the established order against it. And it requires organization to transform every defensive victory into a springboard toward the mass offensive.

    The greatest contribution that solidarity activists in imperialist centers can make to the Palestinian resistance is twofold: dismantling Israel’s material advantages (through BDS, pressure on unions, and the interruption of the flow of arms) and dismantling its political advantages (through the exposure of the colonial truth of Zionism). The struggle for freedom of expression, for the right to boycott, for the rejection of the IHRA, and for the overturning of convictions against activists is not a struggle parallel to Palestinian solidarity—it is an integral part of it. Defending the democratic rights of workers and the oppressed today means defending the possibility of organizing, tomorrow, the material solidarity that can, in fact, change the balance of power.

    To this end, it is necessary to develop forms of mass mobilization led by the working class itself—that is, through the class’s autonomous and independent organization, via assemblies, political strikes, occupations, active solidarity committees, and direct actions that do not depend on bourgeois institutions (the state, parliaments, courts) or on the traditional union or party bureaucracy. Only the working class, organized by itself, can impose, from the bottom up, an end to the hypocritical selectivity of international law and the complicity of Western governments.

    References

    [1] UN General Assembly Resolution on the rights of peoples to self-determination and to struggle by all available means, 1990.

    https://www.un.org/unispal/document/auto-insert-184801

    [2] James Cannon, Socialism on Trial, 1965.

    [3] James Cannon, Socialism on Trial, 1965.

    [4] Trotsky, War and the International, 1914.

    Photo: Palestine solidarity march at Columbia University in 2024. Mahmoud Khalil is 2nd from the left. (Yuki Iwamura / AP)

Exit mobile version