{"id":16374,"date":"2020-09-01T11:51:00","date_gmt":"2020-09-01T15:51:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/workersvoiceus.org\/2020\/09\/01\/the-marxist-analysis-of-womens-oppression\/"},"modified":"2020-09-01T11:51:00","modified_gmt":"2020-09-01T15:51:00","slug":"the-marxist-analysis-of-womens-oppression","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/workersvoiceus.org\/es\/2020\/09\/01\/the-marxist-analysis-of-womens-oppression\/","title":{"rendered":"The Marxist analysis of women\u2019s oppression"},"content":{"rendered":"\n
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By CHRISTINE MARIE<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Review of Lise Vogel, \u201cMarxism and the Oppression of Women: Toward a Unitary Theory\u201d (Leiden: Brill Academic Books, 2013; Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2013). Re-issued 2016.<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the late 1960s, more feminist theorists than not assumed that Marxism offered the main analytical tools necessary to understand women\u2019s oppression and, in turn, to chart the strategic course to its elimination. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

At the center of their theoretical efforts was the \u201cdomestic labor debate.\u201d This debate opened with the publication of a 1969 article by Margaret Benston, titled, \u201cThe Political Economy of Women\u2019s Liberation.\u201d The work that women performed within the household became a subject of analysis; this work was understood as \u201cproductive,\u201d necessary for the reproduction of capitalist society as a whole.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

For the next 10 years, feminists who were socialists began studies to fully theorize domestic labor as an integral part of the capitalist mode of production. As Susan Ferguson and David McNally write in their introduction to the 2013 re-publication of Lise Vogel\u2019s 1983 text, \u201cMarxism and Oppression of Women,\u201d in dozens of journals they \u201cprobed Marxist concepts of use value and exchange value, labour-power, and class for what these might reveal about the political-economic significance\u201d of household work.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the main, the debate hung up on a few central questions: What kind of value does domestic labor produce? Is it the kind of value produced by workers in capitalist production, i.e. surplus value? If not, and if, according to Marxist theory, domestic labor is not central to the workings of capital in the same way that the work in an auto plant or steel mill is, does this mean that Marxism by its very nature is incapable<\/em> of providing the central framework for understanding the oppression of women? <\/p>\n\n\n\n

There were three main responses to this question. By far the most influential one was \u201cyes.\u201d The most famous articulation of that position in the United States was Heidi Hartmann\u2019s \u201cThe Unhappy Marriage of Marxism and Feminism,\u201d which launched what became known as the dual systems approach, a thesis that posited that capitalism and patriarchy merely functioned alongside each other. Over time, patriarchy began to be treated primarily as the realm of ideology, creating space for non-materialist post-structuralist approaches to women\u2019s oppression.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Other debate participants like Mariarosa Dalla Costa and Sylvia James responded by questioning the weight that Marxist theory placed on surplus value and the strategic approach that flowed from this weight. Contemporary autonomist Marxists who work within this general theoretical approach charted by Dalla Costa and James, such as Sylvia Federici, elevate the social power of unwaged labor and see it as central to the overthrow of capitalist society.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The third major grouping of responses was expressed by individual Marxist feminists who insisted on the strategic importance of waged labor, and remained optimistic about the possibility of Marxist theoretical advances that would more adequately explain women\u2019s oppression. These voices, however, were generally lost in the great void created by the waning of the mass feminist movement that nurtured previous such theoretical work, and a corresponding lack of attention from within the socialist movement.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of those voices, that of Lise Vogel, was in 2013 given the attention she deserves. A new version of \u201cMarxism and Women\u2019s Oppression,\u201d updated with essays by Vogel from the 1990s, was issued in hardback by the academic publishing house of Brill and in paperback by Haymarket Press. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The re-publication of Vogel\u2019s book was both reaction and stimulus. The crisis of capitalism as experienced mid-decade\u2014characterized by the most extreme attacks on the social wage, an increasing awareness of the role of women in global capitalist production, and shifts in the organization of the reproduction of labor in the United States\u2014created a new sense of urgency regarding such theoretical work. The rediscovery of Vogel by sections of the socialist movement, in turn, provided a basic foundation on which Marxist feminist theoretical work can more easily begin again.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Vogel\u2019s book is divided into four sections. Part One reviews the theoretical debates that took place during the second wave of feminism (ca. the 1970s) in a kind of chronological and thematic organization, summarizing critiques of Juliet Mitchell\u2019s iconic work \u201cWomen: The Longest Revolution,\u201d Margaret Benston\u2019s \u201cWhat Defines Women?,\u201d Peggy Morton\u2019s \u201cWomen\u2019s Work is Never Done, or: The Production, Maintenance and Reproduction of Labor Power,\u201d Mariarosa Dalla Costa\u2019s \u201cWomen and the Subversion of the Community,\u201d and the work of Nancy Holstrom and Maxine Molyneux.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

She also notes the contributions and weaknesses of radical feminists such as Shulamith Firestone and Kate Millet. She argues that the work of this period did several important things. It firmly established the project of analyzing women\u2019s oppression as having a material, and not just political or ideological root. Secondly, they exposed how inadequate were economic determinist approaches by highlighting the psychological and ideological factors enacted in the family.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the end, while most were certain that the concept of \u201creproduction\u201d linked women\u2019s oppression to the Marxist analysis of production, a truly unitary theory that embedded women\u2019s oppression in Marxist theory of capitalist production remained undeveloped.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Part Two focuses on the views of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels over time and in their historical context. She easily dismisses facile or dishonest mis-readings of the two giants of socialist thought and traces the development of their thought on this question but does not hesitate to pinpoint moments when the thoughts of Marx and Engels on the place of woman in class society is incomplete or contradictory.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Vogel reviews the theoretical importance of both Marx\u2019s \u201cCapital\u201d and Engels\u2019 \u201cOrigin of the Family Private Property and the State,\u201d <\/em>but devotes a considerable amount of space to some of the inconsistencies of the latter owing to Engels\u2019 rush to get out a materialist rebuttal to August Bebel\u2019s \u201cWomen and Socialism.\u201d Marx\u2019s work in \u201cCapital\u201d on social reproduction, which becomes the anchor of her own theoretical work, she finds especially suggestive and useful for the coming effort construct unitary theory.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Part Three, Vogel shows how the weaknesses of Bebel\u2019s 1879 work, stemming from his incorporation of some of the ideas of utopian socialist Charles Fourier and liberal individualism, led to great confusion in the era of the Second International. Then, as in the 1970s, the \u201cwoman question\u201d and the class question were treated more often than not as parallel rather than intertwined phenomenon in capitalist society. The Bolsheviks attempted to correct these reformist tendencies, as they did other errors of the German social democracy, but their theoretical work was shaped by the crisis and challenges of their specific historical moment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Vogel concludes this section by stating, \u201cIn the long run, the experience of the Russian Revolution raised at least as many questions about the relation of women\u2019s oppression to socialist transformation as it answered \u2026 history had posed a specific woman-question, distinct from those thrust forward by capitalist relations of production.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Unfortunately, Vogel suggests, the more advanced positions of Clara Zetkin and Lenin on the root of women\u2019s oppression failed to make a lasting impression on the left as a whole, and the weak legacy of the Second International remained dominant.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The basis for continuing to advance Marxist theoretical work on women\u2019s oppression, Vogel argues, is stepping beyond the bounds of the domestic labor debate as it unfolded during the 1960s and 1970s. To begin, she says, we first have to look at Marx\u2019s \u201cCapital\u201d and the notions of labor-power and the reproduction of labor power. From the theoretical point of view, the reproduction of labor power is not invariably associated with private kin-based households, as the old domestic labor debate assumed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Child rearing and the private care of workers in families is only one way that capitalism organizes the reproduction of labor power. At certain moments, for example, capitalism can choose to import immigrant labor, enslave them, house them in barracks, work them to death and import more, etc.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The system of using a kin-based unit to reproduce labor power is clearly advantageous as it has been normative at moments of capitalist stability. At the same time, the countervailing tendency of capitalism to reduce necessary labor in favor of surplus labor is always at play. In our own time, the reduction of domestic labor through technological means offers capitalists the hope that profit-making can increase.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Vogel\u2019s theoretical assertions about capitalism provided some of the tools that Marxist feminists have begun to use to further articulate a \u201cunitary theory\u201d that sites the roots of gender oppression in the broader system of capitalist exploitation under which we are all suffering.  We will explore other major Marxist feminist contributions to the development of the unitary theory of gender oppression, including those of Cinzia Arruzza, Sue Ferguson, David McNally, and Holly Lewis, in reviews and articles to come. <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

By CHRISTINE MARIE Review of Lise Vogel, \u201cMarxism and the Oppression of Women: Toward a Unitary Theory\u201d (Leiden: Brill Academic Books, 2013; Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2013). Re-issued 2016. In the late 1960s, more feminist theorists than not assumed that Marxism offered the main analytical tools necessary to understand women\u2019s oppression and, in turn, to chart […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":13882114,"featured_media":15281,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_crdt_document":"","_jetpack_newsletter_access":"","_jetpack_dont_email_post_to_subs":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_tier_id":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paywalled_content":false,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":"","jetpack_publicize_message":"","jetpack_publicize_feature_enabled":true,"jetpack_social_post_already_shared":true,"jetpack_social_options":{"image_generator_settings":{"template":"highway","default_image_id":0,"font":"","enabled":false},"version":2},"_wpas_customize_per_network":false,"jetpack_post_was_ever_published":false},"categories":[30861],"tags":[31079,31227],"class_list":["post-16374","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-women","tag-lise-vogel","tag-unitary-theory"],"translation":{"provider":"WPGlobus","version":"3.0.2","language":"es","enabled_languages":["en","es"],"languages":{"en":{"title":true,"content":true,"excerpt":false},"es":{"title":false,"content":false,"excerpt":false}}},"aioseo_notices":[],"jetpack_publicize_connections":[],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/workersvoiceus.org\/wp-content\/uploads\/2020\/09\/june-2017-soviet-woman.jpg?fit=719%2C1024&ssl=1","jetpack_likes_enabled":true,"jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"jetpack_shortlink":"https:\/\/wp.me\/pdQxqk-4g6","amp_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/workersvoiceus.org\/es\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/16374","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/workersvoiceus.org\/es\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/workersvoiceus.org\/es\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/workersvoiceus.org\/es\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/13882114"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/workersvoiceus.org\/es\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=16374"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/workersvoiceus.org\/es\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/16374\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/workersvoiceus.org\/es\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/15281"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/workersvoiceus.org\/es\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=16374"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/workersvoiceus.org\/es\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=16374"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/workersvoiceus.org\/es\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=16374"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}