By ADHIRAJ / NEW WAVE
For 40 days, the junior resident doctors have been out on strike, protesting for their gamut of five demands :
- Justice for the victim, a speedy investigation, uncovering the motive for the rape and murder, and just punishment for the perpetrators
- Identify those involved in tampering evidence, and covering up for the murder, and ensure just punishment for them.
- The removal of Police Commissioner Vineet Goyal.
- Ensure the safety of healthcare workers across hospitals.
- Ensure proper conditions of work in hospitals across the state.
Within these five core demands are 18 other demands, which aim at improvement in facilities, creating a system of referrals, dismantling the politically dominated health committees, making rest rooms and improving sanitation facilities at hospitals.
These demands represent the most basic infrastructural and policy requirements to provide better healthcare for the public. The whole of Bengal, the world, and the country came out in protest in solidarity with them, and hundreds of thousands remain out protesting in support of the doctors.
After much dragging, the state government, which tried to avoid entering talks with the doctors on one flimsy excuse after another, finally agreed to come to discussions. Not only that: The Chief Minister has conceded to one of the key demands of the protesters, the removal of the Deputy Health Secretary, the Deputy Chief of Kolkata Police North, and Chief of Police Vineet Goyal. Both of these actors were involved in the cover up of the murder and rape of “abhaya,” the young female doctor at R.G Kar hospital.
This is a victory for the protesters, and a humiliation for the arrogant and corrupt TMC government. The protesting doctors have since stated that they will not hold back their protests on mere assurances; only after concrete steps are taken to fulfill the core demands of the doctors will there be any step back.
This development comes as solidarity protests in other parts of India have been rekindled, with doctors in Delhi going back on strike in support of the doctors in West Bengal. At the same time, solidarity protests across the cities of West Bengal continue to move on, with hundreds of thousands protesting in Kolkata and other cities, coming on night vigils and helping the protesters encamped in front of the health department headquarters.
The victories of the protests would not have been possible without the solidarity they received from doctors across the country, in the world, and from citizens from all walks of life within Kolkata and the state of West Bengal.
R.G Kar hospital, where the murder and rape took place
For the first time, a popular mobilization took on the corruption and arrogance of the TMC government and won! The political significance is no less than the peasant agitations in Singur and Nandigram, which also aroused massive solidarity protests within Kolkata and wide support from the rest of the country.
A timeline of events :
On the 9th of August, a female junior doctor working at Kolkata’s prestigious R.G Kar hospital was raped and murdered. The crime happened while she was working 36-hour shift. The doctor was understandably exhausted and sought to rest for the night before continuing to work in the morning. However, R.G Kar did not have any secure rest rooms or proper washrooms for the doctors to use. She was forced to find space in the seminar room. It was here that the crime was committed.
Once the murder and rape was committed, the cover-up began. The incident was reported to the doctor’s family as an act of suicide. Preparations were made to dispose the body in a hurry before any autopsy could be done. It was the intervention of junior doctors at the scene that stopped the ambulance from leaving the hospital before any autopsy. During the entire ordeal, the parents of the murdered doctor were barred from seeing their daughter one last time. They had to wait for three hours, and kept in the dark about the fate of their beloved daughter, before they learnt of what had happened.
The efforts at cover-up did not end there; over the course of the investigation of the Central Bureau of Investigation, it was revealed that evidence was tampered with. Efforts had been taken at the behest of the disgraced principal, Sandip Ghosh, to hide the truth of the rape and murder of the doctor. The principal issued orders to demolish the seminar room in the name of conducting repairs, while investigations were still going on. The authorities delayed for hours before filing for an FIR at the nearest police station, all the while hiding the truth behind the death of the doctor. These actions were straight from the administration. Having no faith in the administration or the police, the junior doctors at R.G Kar hospital began their protest, demanding safety at the workplace, on the 9th of August.
Soon the protests expanded beyond the R.G Kar hospital, and spread across the city, and eventually the whole country. By the 11th of August, the doctor’s protests had gone national, with solidarity protests as far afield as Mumbai and Delhi. As the days passed, a rushed investigation by the Calcutta police caught the perpetrator of the crime, a lackey of the principal Sandip Ghosh, who had been caught through CCTV footage and eye witness evidence. The perpetrator, Sanjoy Roy, was caught and used as a scapegoat to douse the protests. However, the doctors did not roll back the protests, seeing through the government’s strategy. The strike of junior doctors at R.G Kar hospital was followed by strikes covering all 260 government hospitals in the state of West Bengal.
The sudden spread and scale of the protests had thrown the government onto the back foot. Police measures failed to limit the protests, threats failed, so violence was used. The protest entered the 5th day, and calls were given to reclaim the night. Midnight protests broke out throughout the city and eventually the rest of the state with solidarity protests across major cities in India. The midnight protests began on the night of the 14th of August and would extend over into Independence Day, the 15th of August. It was then that the peaceful protest gathering at R.G Kar hospital was attacked by a mob of TMC backed goons.
Not only did they assault the doctors, they also attacked the police and broke through their flimsily guarded barricades before entering near the crime scene to tamper evidence. The incident gave the police an excuse to use restraining orders to prevent “breakdown in law and order.” This was abused by the police to try and prevent protests from gaining ground. Assemblies were restricted around R.G Kar and across Central Calcutta.
The day after, the Chief Minister herself came down to protest, in an act that was both a farce, and an attempt to intimidate the doctors. The TMC had to project its organizational strength, while pretending to stand in support of the victim, hiding its complicity in the massive cover-up that was happening. Few took the bait, and the protests continued to gain strength and support. The doctors had the support and sympathy of everyone in the state, and especially those who felt wronged by the ruling TMC party and its institutionalized corruption.
From here on, the investigation into the case was taken over by the Central Bureau of Investigation, and the Supreme Court took suo-motu cognizance of the case. The Supreme Court has since done its part in blunting the sharpness of the protests. The solidarity strike of junior doctors in Delhi ended soon after the initial directions by the Supreme Court, to form a national task force to look into the safety of healthcare workers, and the deployment of the paramilitary Central Industrial Security Force to R.G Kar hospital.
The protests
The protests began at R.G Kar hospital, led by junior doctors, but quickly spread to every other hospital. By the third day of the protests, the whole city was engulfed in protests. These were not political protests or led by any political party, though doctor’s unions, medical students unions, and bodies linked with the CPIM took an active part in the protests.
For the most part, the protests remained an apolitical citizens-led protest where no party flags were visible in marches and people from all walks of life—cutting across the class divide—united to protest against sexual violence and the institutionalized corruption that made it possible. At its peak there were protest marches, big and small, breaking out in every corner of Calcutta. It wasn’t long before the protests spread to other cities and towns of the state of West Bengal, and then to the rest of the country.
The protests resonated beyond the borders of India among the Bengali communities in the USA, UK, and Europe. These protests were unprecedented for how quickly they spread and how they seemed to be intensifying. Even after efforts by the TMC led the government to crush the protests and pacify the people, the protests simply kept growing, pushed by the striking junior doctors who were committed to leading the protests to a successful conclusion.
On the contrary, attempts to curb the protests only strengthened the resolve of the striking doctors, and inspired more people to join into the protests, coming to marches, protesting on streets, and holding candle light vigils or torch marches. Every other night saw midnight vigils under the slogan of “reclaim the night.”
A key inspiration behind the protest movement was the success of the youth-led protests in Bangladesh, which toppled the Sheik Hasina-led Awami League government. In terms of brutality and corruption, the Awami League outdid that of Mamata Bannerji. It is quite fitting that Sheik Hasina and the Awami League was a key investor in Calcutta real estate, investing in the corrupt structure of Mamata Bannerji and the TMC in West Bengal. The question everyone asked in their mind was, if the youth of Bangladesh could overthrow Sheik Hasina despite the murderous rampage by the police and paramilitary, why couldn’t they challenge Mamata Bannerji?
The answer to this was clear on the streets, where the youth came out in the hundreds and thousands to protest. The intensity of the protests rightly irked Mamata Bannerji and the TMC violence against peaceful protesters was a panicked reaction. However, she could not crush the youth with batons and bullets alone, she was forced to hold back once the protests reached the capital and the doorstep of the Supreme Court. The court was compelled to step in and direct the state forces to refrain from violence and restrain themselves.
The worst of the police repression stopped thanks to the solidarity the doctors got. The spectre of the Bangladeshi revolution haunted Mamata Bannerji, should a doctor be injured of god forbid, killed in the course of the protest, it would spark a wider agitation, one she would not be able to contain.
An urban protest movement was something Mamata Bannerji was not prepared for. Her power rested on layers of terror and blackmail, the TMC’s power in the countryside was nearly absolute where they have perfected their terror tactics. In the city, they had honed their tactics to ensure apathy and fear kept people divided, isolated and demoralized. That apathy has been shattered by these protests.
The intervention of the political parties
A lone priest faces off against water cannons during the march to the secretariat 27th august
Soon after the protests erupted, the main bourgeois opposition party in West Bengal, the BJP (which is also the ruling party at the national level), attempted to seize the leadership of the protests. These attempts included turning the protests in an overtly political direction, where they borrowed one of the slogans of the Bangladeshi protest movement that ousted Sheik Hasina, and turned it toward Chief Minister Mamata Bannerji: “Dofa Ak, Dabi Ak, Mamata’r Padatyag” (“One point, One demand, The resignation of Mamata Bannerji”).
Unlike the doctors’ demands, which hit at the issues that affected the junior resident doctors, the demand raised by the BJP targeted the political apparatus without establishing any organic link with the protests. At the same time, there were protests breaking out in Maharashtra, ruled by the BJP in coalition with the Shiv Sena, both right-wing parties. In the Maharashtra town of Badlapur, a shocking incident of rape of a six-year-old girl student at a government school came to light. The perpetrators were linked with the school administration, which was linked with the BJP.
The brazen two facedness of the BJP was right before the protesters. On the one hand, they claimed to stand by the doctor who was raped and murdered, yet in a state ruled by them and their coalition partners, the BJP put the full force of the police behind arresting protesting parents of the children of the government school. The protesting parents were given a seven-day remand while the accused was given a mere three-day lock up!
The Congress Party remained almost silent while Calcutta and West Bengal erupted into protest. They were tied down by their commitment to the INDIA alliance, of which the TMC was the third largest force. Soon after the protests erupted, another key alliance partner, the Samajwadi Party, expressed its solidarity, not with the protesters, but with Chief Minister Mamata Bannerji! The Congress had been practically wiped out in the previous national elections and the state elections before that. This action will no doubt wipe out what remained of their credibility.
While the INDIA alliance expressed its solidarity with the TMC, or cooperated with their silence, they marched in protest in Maharashtra. This event proved that both national parties are utter hypocrites. For them, oppression is only worth talking about when it happens in their opponent’s states.
Of the major oppositional political parties in West Bengal, only the CPIM and its affiliated organizations, chiefly the DYFI and the Junior Doctor’s Association, could provide some leadership. The party’s appearance on the scene did not happen until weeks after the protests broke out. Here the party’s members participated in the protests without their banners and posters. It was not until after the 27th of August when the dubiously named “chatra samaj” (student’s society) attempted to organized a march to the state secretariat.
The march to the secretariat was a decisive turn in the protests, because it ended the BJP’s attempts to gain leadership of the doctors’ protests, and served to alienate the party from the protests. The call to march mobilized at best 7000 people, with barely any presence of school students. The state gathered an overwhelming police presence to face off against protests that turned out to be rather underwhelming. The media put the spotlight on the protest, which ultimately resulted in nothing but an embarrassment for the BJP and saw the fizzling out of them and the RSS’s efforts at taking over the protests.
The heavy policing included water cannons and barricades, and the use of force to attack peaceful protesters. These tactics remained restrained, as the police were not equipped with lethal arms and there was no application of lethal force. This remained so throughout the protests.
In the weeks after, the junior doctors took to the streets to meet with the police chief and give a list of grievances to him. The BJP leadership was shooed away from the protest site. The round-the-clock protest presence forced the police commissioner to bow and finally meet with them. This marked the end of the BJP’s involvement in the protest movement.
The Congress continued to host rallies on the sidelines of the protest, while the CPIM intervened in the protest against the Calcutta Police, coming out in force. However, at no point did the party vie for leadership of the protests, and while the influence of the party could be seen, they did not provide leadership. Critically, the CPIM did not mobilize healthcare workers across the country in solidarity through their trade-union networks. For the most part, the trade-union networks remained on the sidelines of the protests, which remained a youth, doctor, and student protest.
The intervention of central agencies
The protests had forced the Supreme Court to take cognizance of the case, and soon afterwards, the matter came before the High Court at Calcutta, and the CBI was directed to take over the investigation. The CBI’s involvement gave the TMC a political agenda—to deflect blame for slow investigation over to the CBI, and by extension, the central government at Delhi. The CBI regional headquarters in Calcutta’s Salt Lake suburb became a protest. This was a site of the protests where the doctors could directly challenge the investigating authorities and demand justice for the victim.
As the CBI took over the case, they too had become a target of the protests. Here, the doctors had trumped the political strategies of the BJP and TMC, silencing both sides. On the one hand, it aimed their ire at a central government agency, which comes under the national government, controlled by the BJP. On the other hand, it silenced what had been a standard strategy of the TMC, to paint the protests as a BJP conspiracy. The TMC could not show themselves as defenders of minorities in the face of yet another BJP conspiracy. The doctor’s sincerity and spirit cut through the cynical calculations of bourgeois political parties.
The Supreme Court, which had taken up the case, is still presiding over the matter. The court could not but be shaken by the events, once the protests had reached the capital, and the doctors in Delhi had gone on strike in solidarity with their Bengal comrades. The Supreme Court had directed the formation of a National Task force, and authorized the CISF (Central Industrial Security Force) to take over the security at
R.G Kar hospital. This move was welcomed by the doctors, and served to end the strike action at Delhi. The Supreme Court helped pacify the protests, and stemmed the possibility of its expansion into a wider national movement. This would not be the first time that the judiciary played a reactionary role in this whole affair.
A month into the protests, the Supreme Court had attacked the protesting doctors, setting a deadline for heading back to work. The doctors did not accept such an arrogant diktat and kept the protests along with all their protest sites. The strike continued, as did the large solidarity protests. What’s more, the Indian Medical Association had declared their support for the striking doctors and prepared to begin protests in Delhi.
The final phase of the protests
It was not until the 9th of September, exactly a month since the day that the horrible crime had been committed, that the government finally bowed and agreed to discuss the demands of the doctors. The Chief Minister asserted there would be no live streaming, on the flimsy ground that the Supreme Court was presiding over the matter and it would be illegal. Since the Supreme Court had been broadcasting their proceedings live, this argument fell flat on its face.
What ensued after this point was a test of wills between the protesting doctors and the stubbornness of the Chief Minister to have the meeting with the doctors on her terms, and with the ability to control the narrative. The Chief Minister remained adamant in her position, and the doctors did not budge, sensing the Chief Minister’s attempt to control the narrative. The first meeting to discuss demands at the secretariat failed. The Chief Minister circulated pictures of empty chairs in the hall with a lone Mamata Bannerji sitting in wait, a clear attempt at turning the narrative in her favour.
Her sudden appearance at the doctor’s protest site in front of the CBI headquarters in Calcutta’s CGO complex was a cunning attempt at trying to turn the narrative in her favour and pose a challenge to the doctors. The media in their neutrality ultimately served the TMC, with some newspapers swerving entirely towards the government’s narrative. The tired old propaganda against strikes and protests began to resurface in leading newspapers like The Times of India and The Telegraph, all targeting the doctors on strike, even as public sympathy remained with them.
In a surprise move by the Chief Minister, she arrived at the protest site and directly addressed the doctors, subtly challenging them to come to her home for discussions, reiterating her desire to address the junior doctors’ grievances. The doctors rose to the challenge and arrived at the Chief Minister’s private residence, where she yet again, refused meeting.
An iconic photo emerged here, of doctors standing in the rain before the Chief Minister, flanked by her security details, with their hands folded before her. The attempts by the TMC to turn the narrative in their favour had failed. However, after more than a month of protests, the doctor’s resolve started to crack, exhaustion had set in, and they were ready to concede ground. The doctors agreed to meet without any livestreaming, without video recording, but minutes of the meeting would be recorded.
The government too was pushed to a corner; with the festive season around the corner, the TMC could not afford to see protests during the Pujas. The strategy of using festivals and spectacle to pacify the masses remained a key strategy of the TMC during these protests.
Over the course of the negotiations, the government agreed to concede to 3/4th of the demands raised by the doctors. The Police Commissioner was transferred, money was sanctioned for improving security at hospitals, infrastructure would be improved, and the Deputy Chief of North Zone of the Calcutta Police was also transferred.
The most important victory, perhaps, is the ouster of the corrupt former principal of R.G Kar and the revocation of his license. The gangster Sandip Ghosh will never head another hospital. The doctors had smashed a pillar of the TMC’s nexus of corruption, and exposed the whole system before the nation and the world. The final victory, of bringing all those who worked to help cover up the investigation into the doctor’s death and rape, is yet to be achieved.
On the 21st of September, the doctors withdrew from their protest sites, and resolved to return to work, but only for emergency services. This marks the end of the protest as we have seen it. However, the protests haven’t ended entirely, and won’t end till all demands are met. This was declared by the junior doctor’s leadership on live TV.
Conclusions
The doctors’ protest was a watershed moment in the recent history of West Bengal and Calcutta. It has ended the apathy and reactionary status quo that had reigned over the region. The protest comes right after the revolution in Bangladesh, which served as an inspiration for the youth and workers of West Bengal. Latent in these protests is the potential for a South Asian revolutionary struggle. However, the protests also exposed several challenges that stand in the way of realizing this.
The doctors’ protest showed the fault lines in class struggle in West Bengal. The state is still suffering from the effects of deindustrialization following partition, and most stable jobs can only be found in the service sector. Most of the populace are dependent on agriculture, either in the cultivation and trade in food crops like rice, or in cash crops like jute and tea. The last five years have seen an ever-increasing crisis in West Bengal’s agricultural sector, especially in the tea industry, a crisis induced by climate change and the near collapse of rice mills.
Amidst a situation of industrial stagnation, the service sector, which includes healthcare, has become a prime source of employment for educated youth. When it comes to healthcare, the state government in West Bengal follows the same policy that exists nationally and among most bourgeois party-led state governments in India, to encourage privatization.
A typical lame excuse given by apologists for such a policy is that the government simply can’t afford healthcare for all, and the private sector has to step in. Such an argument forgets that the right to proper medical treatment and access to healthcare is part and parcel of the right to life! It is the duty of the government to ensure good quality healthcare to all its citizens; to leave such an essential service at the mercy of the profit motive is the root cause of a rotten healthcare system.
West Bengal’s highly privatized healthcare system benefits only those with access to good healthcare and medical tourists, while the majority of the population who do not have access to the facilities that private hospitals can bring are left to overburdened public hospitals. Taking up the burden of healthcare for the masses are 260 government-run medical schools and hospitals, whose staff and resident doctors are overburdened, overworked, and underpaid. From time to time, when junior doctors have protested for safety measures and proper infrastructure in hospitals, the government has usually responded with assurances—but no concrete policy change has happened. The problem festered until it reached the dire conclusion we saw on the 9th of August.
The doctors’ protest came at a time when discontent was rising against the TMC government and its highly criminalized system of administration. There are regular strikes and protests in the tea-growing regions of North Bengal, against an administration that has all but forgotten they exist; there have been protests by aspirant teachers who have been denied a job in government schools because of the SSC scam; there were major protests before the elections at the village of Sandeshkhali, where the tyranny of TMC-aligned gangster politicians run large. All of this discontent was concentrated into an explosion of general anger around the junior doctors protest.
Much of the discontent was concentrated among the educated and urban youth of West Bengal, whose prospects within the state grow ever dimmer, thanks to the crisis of capitalism and the policies of the TMC government in the state. The conditions are not dissimilar from those of Bangladesh, which saw a largely urban youth and working class overthrow the Sheik Hasina regime. In West Bengal, the industrial working class has been weakened by de-industrialization; it is in the service sector, like healthcare and education, where the working class has struck back.
The wide support that the doctors received cut across class lines, covering most of the urban populations across the state. This is not to say that the rural population stood by the TMC; they too sympathized with the protesting doctors. The TMC has its core support base among the rural population among the more prosperous rural villages of Southern West Bengal. For the first time, the party finds itself facing the prospect of losing their support! This political impact cannot be understated.
Limits of apolitical protests
In recent years, we have seen two successful mobilizations in India. In 2020, we saw the farmers’ agitation against the three farm laws. This protest won because of the determination of the farmers and the wide support and solidarity it received across the nation from farmers and non-farmers.
The discipline and organization of the protesting farmers ensured they could sustain the protest in the face of heavy handed policing and a stubborn government that would rather see them die from COVID than come to negotiations. Hundreds of farmers died over the long-drawn-out protest, but the Modi government was forced to bow at the end, withdrawing the farm laws. The political fallout of the farmers’ agitation saw the BJP battered badly in the national elections. Their super majority has been wiped out, and they are now reliant on allies to remain in power.
A key feature of the farmers’ agitation was their success in keeping oppositional political parties at arm’s length. The farmers did not denounce any support they received but did not surrender their agitation to any political party. To this extent, the farmers’ agitation was apolitical. This made it difficult for the ruling party to denounce it, and made it much easier for people to sympathize with the farmers and their issues. However, the farmers’ organizations did not remain apolitical. While staying independent of the control of the mainstream bourgeois and Stalinist parties, they made a conscious political choice to oppose the BJP in the national elections.
In the case of the doctors’ protest, we saw some of this dynamic once more. The doctors were resolute in their decision to remain independent of any political party. Any strategy by the BJP to take over the protest and turn it in a direction of their liking failed. The doctors remained focused and determined; their protests never devolved into violence or rioting, showing discipline. At the same time, it would be wrong to see the doctors’ protest as purely apolitical. The fact that they targeted the state administration and reached the doorstep of the Chief Minister shows a degree of political consciousness. Soon after the protests were partly withdrawn, the doctors went to flood hit districts in the state to open medical camps.
The protests have been partially withdrawn with some demands yet to be agreed upon, and most demands agreed yet to be acted on. The state is yet to take steps to improve the working conditions at public hospitals, security remains nearly absent, and while a major pillar of the TMC’s syndicate has been broken with Sandip Ghosh’s arrest, the system of blackmail in government hospitals more popularly known as “threat culture” remains in place. The system the doctors challenged has not yet changed, and it is likely that they will return to a complete strike or protesting on the streets. As of writing this, the doctors have declared they would go to protest during the holy day of Mahalaya, which marks the beginning of the durga puja festivities.
At this time, most oppositional political parties have given up any support for the doctors, with only the CPIM and Left Front parties remaining in support, and vocally so. The junior doctors are in the same political position as the farmers were in 2021. They had won a significant victory without needing the leadership of any political party, nor surrendering to any political agenda of the mainstream parties. The farmers did not have a political protest, but they chose to become political for the election. The doctors fight for systematic change, but such a change cannot be achieved without political change, this is an inescapable fact. It remains to be seen if the doctors will walk this path.
For now, the energy of the protesting doctors remains in place, along with wide sympathy among the people of the state and beyond. The strength of the junior doctors to continue fighting comes from the unbroken solidarity that it received. As long as the solidarity stays strong, the protests will continue till real systematic change is achieved!
An agenda for systematic change
“Abhaya” was the name given by the protesting doctors to the doctor who was raped and murdered at R.G Kar. The name literally means fearless. The doctors have shown their fearless determination in the face of a stubborn enemy in the form of Mamata Bannerji and the TMC. Their agenda hits at a core part of the TMC’s rule over the state of West Bengal, calling for an end of the system of intimidation and corruption in public hospitals, improving infrastructure and calling for justice for the victim.
The fight has exposed the corruption in the system, it has exposed the politics of the TMC and the Chief Minister in particular, and it has exposed the shambolic state of affairs in public hospitals in West Bengal. Now, there needs to be a fight for systemic change.
The protesting doctors have rightfully identified that none of the mainstream parties can be relied upon to bring about the needed systemic change. However, without that systematic change, there will be more Abhayas; there will be more suffering and injustice. The root cause of the rot must be identified in the system that tolerates and even encourages privatized medicine. Healthcare becomes a service rather than a right, leaving overburdened and underfunded public hospitals to deal with the masses who can’t access expensive private hospitals or doctors.
The first step to challenge this is to demand increasing investment in public healthcare, creating conditions where service and infrastructure in public hospitals would be as good if not better than private hospitals. This is a foundation on which good healthcare system can be built. To get to this point, the agitation must expand. Such an agitation requires conscious revolutionary leadership, one that is aware of the limits of the capitalist system and what can be achieved within it. Such an agitation, which brings together every section of healthcare workers, from junior doctors, nurses, staff, ASHA workers and practicing doctors, would be unstoppable!
Our ultimate goal is for everyone to have access to healthcare as a right, rather than a service for profit, where patients aren’t harassed, and doctors are respected.
JUSTICE FOR R.G KAR!
DOWN WITH TMC!
END THE THREAT CULTURE !
END THE SYNDICATES! NATIONAL HEALTH SERVICE FOR ALL!